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Nevada's Online State News Journal
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Regional History:
[From Bancroft's History of Oregon, vol. 2 (1890)]
CHAPTER XIX. WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. 1858-1862.
WAR DEPARTMENTS AND COMMANDERS -- MILITARY ADMINISTRATION OF GENERAL HARNEY -- WALLEN'S ROAD EXPEDITIONS -- TROUBLES WITH THE SHOSHONES -- EMIGRATION ON THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN ROUTES -- EXPEDITIONS OF STEEN AND SMITH -- CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE SHOSHONES -- SNAKE RIVER MASSACRE -- ACTION OF THE LEGISLATURE -- PROTECTION OF THE SOUTHERN ROUTE -- DISCOVERY OF THE JOHN DAY AND POWDER RIVER MINES -- FLOODS AND COLD OF 1861-2 -- PROGRESS OF EASTERN OREGON. IN the summer of 1857 General Wool, who was so much at variance with the civil authorities on the Pacific coast, was removed from this department, and the command given to General Newman S. Clarke. The reader will remember that Colonel George Wright had been left by Wool in command at Vancouver in the spring of 1856. Not long after, on account of the hostilities of those tribes which had taken part in the Walla Walla treaties of 1855, Wright was removed to The Dalles, and Colonel Thomas Morris took command at Vancouver. In the mean time two new posts were established north of the Columbia, one in the Yakima country, and another in the Walla Walla Valley; and for a period of two years Wright, embarrassed by the policy of the commanding generals, outnumbered and outwitted by the Indians, was engaged in a futile endeavor to subdue without fighting them. The Indians being emboldened by the apparent weakness of the army, in the spring of 1858 the troops under Colonel Steptoe, while marching to (460) MILITARY DEPARTMENT. 461 Colville, were attacked by a large force of Spokanes and Coeur d'Alenes, and sustained a heavy loss. Awakened by this demonstration of the hostile purposes of the confederate tribes, Clarke prepared to inflict condign punishment, and in September of that year Wright marched a large force through their country, slaying and destroying as he went. This chastisement brought the treaty tribes into a state of humility. In the mean time E. R. Geary had been appointed superintendent of Indian affairs in Oregon and Washington, and in the spring of 1859, congress having ratified the treaties of 1855, he made arrangements with them for their permanent settlement on their reservations, four in number, namely: Simcoe, Warm Spring, Umatilla, and Lapwai; but unfortunately for the credit of the government with the Indians, no appropriation was made by congress for carrying out its engagements until the following year; nor was any encouragement given toward treating with other tribes in the eastern portion of the state. By an order of the secretary of war of September 13, 1858, the department of the Pacific was sub-divided into the departments of California and Oregon, the latter under the command of General W. S. Harney, with headquarters at Vancouver. This change was hailed with delight by the Oregonians, not only because it gave them a military department of their own, but because Harney s reputation as an Indian-fighter was great, and they hoped through him to put a speedy termination to the wars which had continuously existed for a period of five years, impeding land surveys and mining, and preventing the settlement of the country east of the mountains. Harney arrived at Vancouver on the 29th of October, and two days later he issued an order opening the Walla Walla Valley, closed against settlement ever since 1855, to the occupation of white inhabitants. By this order Harney's popularity was assured. A joint resolution was adopted by the legislature con- 462 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. gratulating the people, and asking the general to extend his protection to the immigration, and establish a garrison at or near Fort Boise.[1] A considerable military force having been massed in the Oregon department for the conquest of the rebellious tribes,[2] Harney had, when he took command, found employment for them in explorations of the country. The military department in 1858 built a steamboat to run between The Dalles and Fort Walla Walla,[3] and about two thousand settlers took claims in the Walla Walla and Umatilla valleys during this summer. The hostilities which had heretofore prevented this progress being now at an end, there remained only the Snake,[4] Klamath, and Modoc tribes to be either conquered or conciliated. Little discipline had been administered in this quarter, except by the three expeditions previously mentioned of Wright, Walker, and Haller. Harney, though more in sympathy with the people than his predecessors, was yet like them inclined to discredit the power or the will of the wild tribes WALLEN'S EXPLORATIONS. 463 to inflict serious injury. Yet not to neglect his duty in keeping up an appearance of protecting miners, immigrants, and others, and at the same time to carry forward some plans of exploration which I have al ready hinted at,[5] toward the end of April he ordered into the field two companies of dragoons and infantry mounted, under Captain D. H. Wallen, to make a reconnoissance of a road from The Dalles to Salt Lake City, connecting with the old immigrant route through the South Pass, and to ascertain whether such a road could not be constructed up the John Day River, thence over to the head waters of the Malheur, and clown that stream to Snake River.[6] Wallen proceeded as directed and along the south side of Snake River to the crossing of the Oregon and California roads at Raft River, meeting on his march with none of the predatory bands, which, eluding him, took advantage of being in his rear to make a descent upon the Warm Spring reservation and drive off the stock be- 464 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. longing to the treaty Indians.[7] A. P. Dennison, the agent, applied to Harney for a force to guard the reservation, but the general, instead of sending troops, ordered forty rifles with ammunition to be furnished, and Dennison resorted to organizing a company among the reservation Indians, and placing it under the command of Thomas L. Fitch, physician to the reservation, who marched up John Day River in the hope of recovering a hundred and fifty head of horses and cattle which had been stolen. His company killed the men belonging to two lodges, took the women and children prisoners, and recaptured a few horses, which had the effect to secure a short-lived immunity only. In August the Snakes made another raid upon the reservation, avenging the slaughter of their people by killing a dozen or more Indian women and children and threatening to burn the agency buildings, the white residents fleeing for their lives to The Dalles. The agent, who was at that place, hastened to the scene of attack with a company of friendly Indians, but not before sixteen thousand dollars worth of property had been stolen or destroyed.[8] It was only then that a small detachment of soldiers was sent to guard the reservation and induce the terrified Indians as well as white people to return; and a dragoon company was ordered to make a reconnoissance along the base of the Blue Mountains, to recover if possible the property carried off, returning, however, empty-handed; and it was not without reason that the old complaint of the Indian department was reiterated, that the military department would not trouble itself with the Indians unless it were given exclusive control. IMMIGRATION. 465 From a combination of causes, the chief of which was the agitation of the question of slavery, the immigration of 1859 was larger than any which had preceded it for a number of years.[9] Owing to the care taken by Captain Wallen to insure the safe passage of the trains, all escaped attack except one company, which against his advice turned off the main route to try that up the Malheur, and which was driven back with a loss of one man severely wounded, and four wagons abandoned.[10] Major Reynolds of the 3d artillery from Camp Floyd for Vancouver, with one hundred men and eight field-pieces, escorted the advance of the immigration, and Wallen remained to bring up the rear, sending sixty dragoons four days travel back along the road to succor some belated and famishing people.[11] In the spring of 1860 General Harney ordered two expeditions into the country traversed by predatory Snakes, not with the purpose of fighting them, as Wallen's march through their country had been uninterrupted, but to continue the exploration of a road to Salt Lake from Harney Lake, where Wallen's exploration in that direction had ceased; and also to explore from Crooked River westward to the head waters of the Willamette River, and into the valley by the middle immigrant route first opened by authority of the legislature in 1853. This joint expedition was under the command of Major E. Steen, who was to take the westward march 466 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. from Crooked River, while Captain A. J. Smith was to proceed southward and eastward to the City of Rocks. About six weeks after Smith and Steen had set out from The Dalles, news was received that the hostile bands, so far from hiding from the sight of two dragoon companies, had attacked Smith after his parting with Steen, when he was within twenty miles of the Owyhee; and that he had been no more than able to protect the government property in his charge. It being unsafe to divide his command to explore in advance of the train, he was compelled to retreat to Harney Lake Valley and send an express after Steen, who turned back and rejoined him on the head waters of Crooked River.[12] Accompanying, or rather overtaking, Steen's expedition on Crooked River was a party of four white men and five Indians escorting Superintendent Geary and G. H. Abbott, agent at Warm Springs, upon a search after some chiefs with whom they could confer regarding a treaty, or at least a cessation of hostilities. Without the prestige of numbers, presents, or display of any kind, Geary was pushing his way into the heart of a hostile wilderness, under the shadow of the military wing which, so far from being extended for his protection, completely ignored his presence.[13] During Geary's stay at Steen's camp, on the 15th of July two refugees from a party of prospectors which had been attacked by the Indians came in and reported the wounding of one man, the loss of seventy horses, and the scattering of their company, STEEN'S EXPEDITION. 467 which had fled into Harney Lake Valley after being attacked a second time. This incident, with the general hopelessness of his errand, caused Geary to return to The Dalles, while an express was sent forward to warn Smith, then two days on his march toward the City of Rocks. Steen also moved his camp to Harney Lake to be within communicating distance in case Smith should be attacked, and he spent two days looking for Indians without finding any. A few days later Smith was attacked, as above related. In the mean time Harney had been summoned to Washington city on business reputed to be connected with the war debt of Oregon and Washington territories, and Colonel Wright was placed in command of the department of Oregon. On hearing of the interruption of the explorations, Wright at once ordered three companies of artillery under Major George P. Andrews to march to the assistance of the explorers, while a squadron of dragoons under Major Grier was directed to move along the road toward Fort Boise to guard the immigrant road, and be within commanding distance of Steen, who it was supposed would also be upon the road in a few weeks. When Steen had been re-enforced by the artillery companies, he marched on the 4th of August toward a range of snow mountains east of Harney Lake, extending for some distance southward, near which he believed the Indians would be found, taking with him a hundred dragoons and sixty-five artillerymen. The remainder of the command under Major Andrews moved eastward to a camp near the Owyhee to await orders. Major Grier being on the road to Boise with his dragoons, looking out for the immigration, Steen hoped to catch the Indians and drive them upon one or the other of these divisions. Attached to Steen's division was a small company of scouts from the Warm Spring reservation, who on the fourth day 468 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. discovered signs of the enemy on the north slope of a high butte, which now bears the name of Steen Mountain, and on the morning of the 8th a small party of Indians was surprised and fled to the very top of this butte to the region of perpetual snow, hotly pursued by the troops. Arrived at the summit, the descent on the south side down which the Indians plunged, looked impassable; but, with more zeal than caution, Steen pursued, taking his whole command, dragoons and artillery, down a descent of six thousand feet, through a narrow and dangerous caņon, with the loss of but one mule. The country about the mountain was then thoroughly reconnoitred for three days, during which the scouts brought in three Indian men and a few women and children as prisoners. On the 16th the command returned to camp, after which Smith made a forced march of a hundred miles on a supposed trail without coming upon the enemy. Steen then determined to abandon the road survey and return to The Dalles. Dividing the troops into three columns twenty miles apart, they were marched to the Columbia River without encountering any Indians on either route. Early in September the companies were distributed to their several posts.[14] Yet the troops were not more than well settled in garrisons before the Snakes made a descent on the Warm Spring reservation, and drove off all the stock they had not before secured. When there was nothing left to steal, twenty dragoons under Lieutenant Gregg were quartered at the reservation to be ready to repel any further attacks.[15] Colonel Wright reported to headquarters, September 20th, that the "routes of immigration were rendered perfectly safe" by the operations of troops during MASSACRE ON SNAKE RIVER. 469 the summer; that nothing more needed to be done or could be done, with regard to the Shoshones, before spring, when the superintendent would essay a treaty at Salmon River, which would serve every purpose;[16] but urged the construction of a fort at Boise, which had already been directed by the secretary of war, delayed, however, for reasons connected with the threatening aspect of affairs in the southern states. Major Grier's command, which had taken the road to Boise to look after the immigration, returned to Walla Walla in September. The troops were no sooner comfortably garrisoned than the local Indian agent at the Umatilla, Byron N. Davis, notified the commander at Fort Walla Walla that a massacre had taken place three weeks previous on Snake River, between Salmon Falls and Fort Boise, wherein about fifty persons had been killed, or scattered over the wilderness to perish by starvation. Davis also reported that he had immediately despatched two men with a horse-load of provisions to hasten forward to meet any possible survivors; and at the same time a loaded wagon drawn by oxen, this being the best that he could do with the means at his command. As soon as the disaster be came known to the military authorities, Captain Dent with one hundred mounted men was ordered to proceed rapidly along the road and afford such assistance as was required by the sufferers, and if possible to punish the Indians. At the same time it was thought that the report brought in by the three known survivors might be exaggerated.[17] The story of the ill-fated party is one of the most terrible of the many terrible experiences of travellers across the Snake River plains. On the 13th of September, between nine and ten o clock in the morning, a train of eight wagons and fifty-four persons was 470 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. attacked by Indians about one hundred in number. An escort of twenty-two dragoons had travelled with this company six days west of Fort Hall, where Colonel Howe was stationed with several companies of troops for the purpose of protecting the immigration to California and Oregon. Thinking the California road more dangerous, and aware that there were or had been troops from the Oregon department in the neighborhood of Boise, Colonel Howe deemed further escort unnecessary, and the train proceeded for two weeks before meeting with any hostile Indians. On the morning named they appeared in force, surrounding the train, yelling like demons, as the emigrants thought with the design of stampeding their cattle, which they accordingly quickly corralled, at the same time preparing to defend themselves. Seeing this, the savages made signs of friendship, and of being hungry, by which means they obtained leave to approach near enough to receive presents of food. They then allowed the emigrants to pass on, but when the wagons had gained a high point which exposed them to attack, a fire was opened on the train with rifles and arrows from the cover of the artemisia. Again the company halted and secured their cattle. But before this was accomplished three men were shot down. A battle now took place, which lasted the remainder of the day, and in which several Indians were seen to fall. The firing of the savages was badly directed, and did little harm except to annoy the horses and cattle, already irritable for want of food and water. All night the Indians fired random shots, and on the morning of the second day recommenced the battle, which continued until the second night, another man being killed. Toward sunset the company agreed upon leaving four of their wagons for booty to the Indians, hoping in this way to divert their attention long enough to escape with the other four. They accordingly started on with half the train, leaving half behind. But the savages paid no SUFFERINGS OF THE IMMIGRANTS. 471 heed to the abandoned property, following and attacking the emigrants with fresh activity. The men labored to hasten their cattle, but in spite of all their efforts the hungry creatures would stop to snatch a mouthful of food. With the company were four young men, discharged soldiers from Fort Hall, well armed with rifles and revolvers belonging to the company, and mounted on good horses, who were to ride in advance to keep the way open. Instead of doing their duty, they fled with, the horses and arms.[18] Two other men, brothers named Reith, succeeded in reaching Umatilla the 2d of October, by whose report, as well as the story of the other surviving fugitives, the massacre became known. Finding it impossible to drive the famished cattle, and seeing that in a short time they must fall victims to the savages, the ill-fated emigrants determined to abandon the remainder of the loaded wagons and the cattle, and if possible save their lives. The moment, however, that they were away from the protection of the wagons, two persons, John Myers and Susan Utter, were shot dead. Mr. Utter, father of the young woman, then made signs of peace, but was shot while proposing a treaty. Mrs. Utter refused to quit her dead husband, and with three of her children, a boy and two girls, was soon despatched by the savages. Eleven persons had now been killed, six others had left the train, and there remained thirty-seven men, women, and children. They were too hard pressed to secure even a little food, and with one loaf of bread hastily snatched by Mrs. Chase, fled, under cover of the darkness, out into the wilderness to go they knew not whither. By walking all night and hiding under the bank of the river during the day they eluded the Indians. The men had some fish-hooks, 472 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. the women some thread, which furnished lines for fishing, by which means they kept from starving. As the howlings of the Indians could still be heard, no travel was attempted except at night. After going about seventy miles, the men became too weak from famine to carry the young children. Still they had not been entirely without food, since two dogs that had followed them had been killed and eaten. After crossing Snake River near Fort Boise they lost the road, and being unable to travel, encamped on the Owyhee River. Just before reaching this their final camp, a poor cow was discovered, which the earlier emigration had abandoned, whose flesh mixed with the berries of the wild rose furnished scanty subsistence, eked out by a few salmon purchased of some Indians encamped on the Snake River in exchange for articles of clothing and ammunition. The members of the party now awaiting their doom, in the shelter of the wigwams on the banks of the Owyhee, were Alexis Vanorman, Mrs Vanorman, Mark Vanorman, Mr and Mrs Chase, Daniel and Albert Chase, Elizabeth and Susan Trimble, Samuel Gleason, Charles and Henry Utter, an infant child of the murdered Mrs. Utter, Joseph Myers, Mrs. Myers, and five young children, Christopher Trimble, several children of Mr. Chase,[19] and several of Mr. Vanorman's. Before encamping it had been determined to send an express to the settlements. An old man named Munson, and a boy of eleven, Christopher Trimble, were selected to go. On reaching Burnt River they found the Reith brothers and Chaffey, one of the deserting soldiers. They had mistaken their way and wandered STARVATION. 473 in the wilderness, having just returned to the road. Munson went on with these four men, two of whom succumbed before reaching any settlement, and young Trimble returned to the Owyhee to encourage the others in the hope that help might come. They therefore made what effort they could to keep themselves alive with frogs caught along the river. During the first fortnight the Indians made several visits to the camp of the emigrants, and carried away their guns. A considerable quantity of clothing had been disposed of for food, and as there was nothing to replace it, and the nights were cold, there was an increase of suffering from that cause. The Indians took away also by force the blankets which the fleeing men and women had seized. Alarmed lest another day they might strip him of all his clothing, and end by killing him, Vanorman set out with his wife and children, five in number, Samuel Gleason, and Charles and Henry Utter, to go forward on the road, hoping the sooner to meet a relief party. As it afterward appeared, they reached Burnt River, where all their bodies were subsequently discovered, except those of the four younger children, who, it was thought, were taken into captivity.[20] They had been murdered by the savages, and Mrs Vanorman scalped. Not long after the departure from camp of this unfortunate party, Mr. Chase died from eating salmon, which he was too weak to digest. A few days later, Elizabeth Trimble died of starvation, followed shortly by her sister Susan. Then died Daniel and Albert Chase, also of famine. For about two weeks previous, the Indians had ceased to bring in food, or, 474 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. indeed, to show themselves, and thus helped on the catastrophe, the indirect cause of which was their dread of soldiers. Young Trimble had been in the habit of visiting the Indian camp before mentioned, and one day on returning to the immigrant camp brought with him some Indians having salmon to sell. As Trimble was about to accompany them back to their village, he was asked by Myers to describe the trail, "for," said he, "if the soldiers come to our relief we shall want to send for you." It was an unfortunate utterance. At the word soldiers the Indians betrayed curiosity and fear. They never returned to the white camp; but when sought they had fled, leaving the body of the boy, whom they murdered, to the wolves. At length, in their awful extremity, the living were compelled to eat the bodies of the dead. This determination, says Myers, was unanimous, and was arrived at after consultation and prayer. The bodies of four children were first consumed, and eaten of sparingly, to make the hated food last as long as it might. But the time came when the body of Mr. Chase was exhumed and prepared for eating. Before it had been tasted, succor arrived, the relief parties of the Indian agency and Captain Dent reaching the Owyhee, forty-five days after the attack on Snake River. When the troops carne into this camp of misery, they threw themselves down on their faces and wept, and thought it a cruelty that Captain Dent would not permit them to scatter food without stint among the half-naked living skeletons stretched upon the ground, or that he should resist the cries of the wailing and emaciated children. The family of Myers, Mrs Chase and one child, and Miss Trimble were all left alive at the camp on the Owyhee. Munson and Chaffey were also rescued, making twelve brought in by the troops. These with the three men who first reached the Columbia River were all that survived of a company of fifty-four per- ACTION OF THE LEGISLATURE. 475 sons. Thirty-nine lives had been lost, a large amount of property wasted, and indescribable suffering endured for six weeks. When Captain Dent arrived with the rescued survivors at the Blue Mountains, they were already covered with snow, which a little later would have prevented his return.[21] The Oregon legislature being in session when news of the Snake River massacre reached the Willamette Valley, Governor Whiteaker, in a special message, suggested that they memorialize the president, the secretary of war, and the commander of the department of Oregon, on the necessity for greater security of the immigration between forts Hall and Walla Walla. He reminded them that they had just passed through an Indian war from which the country was greatly depressed, and left it with the legislature to determine whether the state should undertake to chastise the Indians, or whether that duty should be left to the army.[22] Acting upon the governor's suggestion, a memorial was addressed to congress, asking for a temporary post at the Grand Rond, with a command of twenty-five men ; another with a like command on Burnt River; and a permanent post at Boise of not less than one company. These posts could be supplied from Walla Walla, which, since the opening of the country to settlement, had become a flourishing centre of business.[23] The troops at the two temporary posts of Grande Ronde and Burnt River could 476 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. return to Fort Walla Walla to winter, and remain in garrison from November till May. Another permanent post at or near the Great Falls of Snake River, garrisoned by at least one full company, was asked for, where also an Indian agent should be stationed. This post it was believed would hold in check not only the Indians, but lawless white men, fugitives from justice, who consorted with them, and could be supplied from Fort Hall. The same memorial urged that treaties should be made with all the Indians of Oregon, removing them to reservations; and asked for military posts at Warm Springs and Klamath Lake. In connection with these military establishments, the legislature recommended the construction of a military road from the foot of the Cascades of the Columbia to Fort Walla Walla, which should be passable when the Columbia was obstructed by ice. In a briefer memorial the secretary of war was informed of the want of military protection on the routes of immigration, and asked to establish three posts within the eastern borders of Oregon; namely, a four-company post at Fort Boise; a two-company post on the Malheur River, for the purpose of protecting the new immigrant trail from Boise to Eugene City; and a one-company post somewhere on Snake River between forts Boise and Walla Walla. This memorial also asked that a military road be constructed on the trail leading from Eugene City to Boise.[24] The Umpqua district being attached to the department of California, it devolved on General Clarke in command to look after the southern route to Oregon. This he did by ordering Lieutenant A. Piper of the 3d artillery, stationed at Fort Umpqua, to take the SUCCESS OF THE SNAKES. 477 field in southern Oregon with one company June 27th, and proceed to the Klamath Lake country to quiet disturbances there, occasioned by the generally hostile attitude of the Indians of northern California, Nevada, and southern Oregon at this time. Piper encamped at a point seventy-live miles west of Jacksonville, which he called Camp Day. In September a train of thirty- two wagons arrived there, which had escaped with no further molestation than the loss of some stock. Another train being behind, and it becoming known that a hundred Snake Indians were in the vicinity of Klamath Lake, under a chief named Howlack, sixty-five men were sent forward to their protection. They thus escaped evils intended for them, but which fell on others. Successes such as had attended the hostile movements of the Snake Indians during the years of 1859-60 were likely to transform them from a cowardly and thieving into a warlike and murderous foe. The property obtained by them in that time amounted to many thousands of dollars, and being in arms, ammunition, horses, and cattle, placed them upon a war footing, which with their nomadic habits and knowledge of the country rendered them no despicable foe, as the officers and troops of the United States were yet to be compelled to acknowledge.[25] 478 WAR AND DEVELOPMENT. The continual search for gold which had been going on in the Oregon territory both before and after its division[26] was being actively prosecuted at this time. An acquaintance with the precious metal in its native state having been acquired by the Oregon miners in California in 1848-9, reminded some of them that persons who had taken the Meek cut-off in 1845, while passing through the Malheur country had picked up an unfamiliar metal, which they had hammered out on a wagon-tire, and tossed into a tool-chest, but which was afterward lost. That metal they were now confident was gold, and men racked their brains to remember the identical spot where it was found; even going on an expedition to the Malheur in 1849 to look for it, but without success. Partial discoveries in many parts of the country SEARCHING FOR GOLD. 479 north of the Columbia again in 1854 induced a fresh search for the lost diggings, as the forgotten locality of the gold find in 1845 was called, which was as unsuccessful as the previous one. Such was the faith, however, of those who had handled the stray nugget, that parties resumed the search for the lost diggings, while yet the Indians in all the eastern territory were hostile, and mining was forbidden by the military authorities.[27] The search was stimulated by Wallen's report of his road expedition down the Malheur in 1859, gold being found on that stream; and in 1860 there was formed in Lane county the company before mentioned, which was attacked by the Snakes,[28] and robbed of several thousand dollars worth of horses and supplies. In August 1861 still another company was organized to prosecute the search, but failed like the others ; and breaking up, scattered in various parts of the country, a small number remaining to prospect on the John Day and Powder rivers, where some time in the autumn good diggings were discovered.[29]
CHAPTER XX. MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS, 1861-1865.
APPROPRIATION ASKED FOR -- GENERAL WRIGHT -- SIX COMPANIES RAISED -- ATTITUDE TOWARD SECESSIONISTS -- FIRST OREGON CAVALRY -- EXPEDITIONS OF MAURY, DRAKE, AND CURRY -- FORT BOISE ESTABLISHED -- RECONNOISSANCE OF DREW -- TREATY WITH THE KLAMATHS AND MODOCS -- ACTION OF THE LEGISLATURE -- FIRST INFANTRY OREGON VOLUNTEERS. SOMETIME during the autumn or winter of 1860 the military department of Oregon was merged in that of the Pacific, Brigadier-general E. V. Sumner commanding; Colonel Wright retaining his position of commander of the district of Oregon and Washington. The regular force in the country being much reduced by the drafts made upon it to increase the army in the east,[30] Wright apologized for the abandonment of the country by troops at a time when Indian wars and disunion intrigue made them seem indispensable, but declared that every minor consideration must give way to the preservation of the union.[31] Fearing lest the emigrant route might be left unprotected, a call was made by the people of Walla (488) INDIAN TROUBLES. 489 Walla Valley to form a company to guard the immigration, a plan which was abandoned on learning that congress had made an appropriation asked for by the legislature of $50,000 for the purpose of furnishing an escort.[32] Although no violent outbreaks occurred in 1861, both the people and the military authorities were apprehensive that the Indians, learning that civil war existed, and seeing that the soldiery were withdrawn, might return to hostilities, the opportunities offered by the numerous small parties of miners travelling to and fro heightening the temptation and the danger.[33] Some color was given to these fears by the conduct of the Indians on the coast reservation, who, finding Fort Umpqua abandoned, raised an insurrection, took possession of the storehouse at the agency, and attempted to return to their former country. They were however prevented carrying out their scheme, only the leaders escaping, and the guard at Fort Hoskins was strengthened by a small detachment from Fort Yamhill. Several murders having been committed in the Modoc, Pit River, and Pah Ute country, a company of forty men under Lindsey Applegate, who had been appointed special Indian agent, went to the protection of travellers through that region, and none too soon to prevent the destruction of a train of immigrants at Bloody Point, where they were found surrounded.[34] On the appearance of Applegate's com- 490 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. pany the Modocs retreated, and no further violence occurred during the season. In anticipation of similar occurrences, Colonel Wright in June 1861 made a requisition upon Governor Whiteaker for a cavalry company. It was proposed that the company be enlisted for three years, unless sooner discharged, and mustered into the service of the United States, with the pay and according to the rules and regulations of the regular army, with the exception that the company should furnish its own horses, for which they would receive compensation for use or loss in service. A. P. Dennison, former Indian agent at The Dalles, was appointed enrolling officer; but the suspicion which attached to him, as well as to the governor, of sympathy with the rebellion, hindered the success of the undertaking, which finally was ordered discontinued,[35] and the enlisted men were disbanded. In the mean time Wright was transferred to California to take the command of troops in the southern part of that state, for the suppression of rebellion, while Lieutenant-colonel Albemarle Cady, of the 7th infantry, was assigned to the command of the district of Oregon. Soon after, Wright was made brigadier-general, and placed in command of the department of the Pacific.[36] As troops were withdrawn from the ENLISTING FOR THE WAR. 491 several posts in Oregon and Washington he replaced them with volunteer companies from California. On the 28th of October 350 volunteer troops arrived at Vancouver and were sent to garrison forts Yamhill and Steilacoom. On the 20th of November five companies arrived under the command of Major Curtis, two of which were despatched to Fort Colville, and two to Fort Walla Walla, one remaining at The Dalles.[37] The attempt to enlist men through the state authorities having failed, the war department in November made Thomas R. Cornelius colonel, and directed him to raise ten companies of cavalry for the service of the United States for three years; this regiment being, as it was supposed, a portion of the 500,000 whose enlistment was authorized by the last congress. R. F. Maury was commissioned lieutenant-colonel, Benjamin F. Harding quartermaster, C. S. Drew major, and J. S. Rinearson junior major. Volunteers for themselves and horses were to receive thirty-one dollars a month, $100 bounty at the expiration of service, and a land warrant of 160 acres. Notwithstanding wages on farms and in the mines were high, men enlisted in the hope of going east to fight.[38] Six 492 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. companies being fully organized, the regiment was ordered to Vancouver about the last of May 1862, where it was clothed with United States uniforms, and armed with old-fashioned muzzle-loading rifles, pistols, and sabres; after which it proceeded to The Dalles. On the 3d of June, Colonel Cornelius arrived at Fort Walla Walla with companies B and E, and took command of that post. About two weeks later the three southern companies followed, making a force of 600. The necessity for some military force at home was not altogether unfelt. The early reverses of the federal army gave encouragement to secession on the Pacific coast. General Wright, on the 30th of April, 1862, issued an order confiscating the property of rebels within the limits of his department, and making sales or transfers of land by such persons illegal.[39] Government officers refused to purchase forage or provisions from disloyal firms; and disloyal newspapers were excluded from the mails.[40] FIRST OREGON CAVALRY. 493 The 1st Oregon cavalry remained at Walla Walla with little or nothing to do until the 28th of July. In the mean time Cornelius resigned, and Colonel Steinberger of the Washington regiment took command.[41] It had been designed that a portion of the Oregon regiment should make an expedition to meet and escort the immigration, and if possible to arrest and punish the murderers of the immigrants in the autumn of 1860. General Alvord ordered Lieutenant-colonel Maury, with the companies of Harris, Harding, and Truax, to proceed upon the errand.[42] The history of the 1st Oregon cavalry from 1862 to 1865 is the history of Indian raids upon the mining and new farming settlements, and of scouting and fighting by the several companies. Like the volunteers of southern Oregon, they were called upon to guard roads, escort trains, pursue robber bands to their strongholds, avenge murders,[43] and to make explorations of the country, much of which was still unknown. In January 1863 a call was made for six companies of volunteers to fill up the 1st regiment of Oregon cavalry, notwithstanding a very thorough militia organization had been effected under the militia law of 1862, which gave the governor great discretionary power and placed several regiments at his disposal. The work of recruiting progressed slowly, the dis- 494 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. engaged men of the state who had not enlisted being absent in the mines. One company only was raised during the summer, and it began to be feared that a draft would be resorted to, Provost Marshal J. M. Keeler having been sent to Oregon to make an enrolment. The situation of Oregon at this time was peculiar, and not without danger. The sympathy of England and France with the cause of the states in rebellion, the unsettled question of the north-western portion of the United States boundary, known as the San Juan question, the action of the French government in setting up an empire in Mexico, taken together with the fact that no forts or defences existed on the coast of Oregon and Washington, that there was a constantly increasing element of disloyalty upon the eastern and southern borders, as well as in its midst, which might at any time combine with a foreign power or with the Indians all contributed to a feeling of uneasiness. Oregon had not raised her share of troops for the service of the United States, and had but seven companies in the field, while California had nearly nine regiments. California had volunteers in every part of the Pacific States, even in the Willamette Valley. Troops were needed to serve on Oregon soil, and to protect the Oregon frontier. A post was needed at Boise to protect the immigration, and an expedition against the Snakes was required. Every thing was done to stimulate a military spirit. By the militia law, the governor, adjutant-general, and secretary of state constituted a board of military auditors to audit all reasonable expenses incurred by volunteer companies in the service of the state. This board publicly offered premiums for perfection in drill, the test to be made at the time of holding the state fair at Salem. The war department had at length consented to allow posts to be established at Boise, and at some NEW GOVERNMENT POSTS. 495 point between the Klamath and Goose Lakes, near the southern immigrant road; and in the spring of 1863 Major Drew, who in May was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel of the 1st Oregon cavalry, sent Captain Kelly with company C to construct and garrison Fort Klamath. The remainder of the regiment was employed in the Walla Walla and Nez Perce country in keeping peace between the white people and Indians, and in pursuing and arresting highwaymen, whiskey-sellers, and horse-thieves, with which the whole upper country was infested at this period of its history, and who could seldom be arrested without the assistance of the cavalry, whose horses they kept worn down by long marches to recover both private and government property. On the 13th of June an expedition set out, whose object was to find and punish the Snakes, consisting of companies A, D, and E, with a train of 150 pack- mules under Colonel Maury from the Lapwai agency. Following the trail to the Salmon River mines, they passed over a rugged country to Little Salmon River, and thence over a timbered mountain ridge to the head waters of the Payette.[44] The command then proceeded by easy marches to Boise River to meet Major Lugenbeel, who had left Walla Walla June 10th by the immigrant road to establish a government post on that river near the line of travel. On July 1st, the day before Maury's arrival, the site of the fort was selected about forty miles above the old Hudson's Bay Company's fort, and near the site of the present Boise City.[45] While at the encampment 496 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. on Salmon Falls Creek, Curry with twenty men made an expedition across the barren region between Snake River and the Goose Creek Mountains,[46] toward the Owyhee, through a country never before explored. At the same time the main command proceeded along to Bruneau River, on which stream, after a separation of eleven days, it was rejoined by Curry, who had travelled four hundred miles over a rough volcanic region.[47] After an expedition by Lieutenant Waymire[48] up Bruneau River, the troops returned to Fort Walla Walla, where they arrived on the 26th of October. In March Maury was promoted to the colonelcy of the regiment, C. S. Drew to be lieutenant-colonel, and S. Truax to be major. Rhinehart was made regimental adjutant, with the rank of captain, and took command of company A, Harris having resigned at the close of the Snake River expedition. Rinearson was stationed at Fort Boise to complete its construction. Lieutenants Caldwell, Drake, and Small were promoted to the rank of captain; second lieutenants Hopkins, Hobart, McCall, Steele, Hand, and Underwood to the rank of first lieutenants. Those who had been promoted from the ranks were Waymire, Pepoon, Bowen, and James L. Curry. The first expedition in the field in 1864 was one under Lieutenant Waymire consisting of twenty-six men, which left The Dalles on the 1st of March, en- WAYMIRE'S EXPEDITION. 497 camping on the 17th on the south fork of John Day River, thirty-three miles from Caņon City. This temporary station was called Camp Lincoln. From this point he pursued a band of Indian horse-thieves to Harney Lake Valley, where he found before him in the field a party of miners under C. H. Miller.[49] The united force continued the search, and in three days came upon two hundred Indians, whom they fought, killing some, but achieving no signal success. Early in June, General Alvord made a requisition upon Governor Gibbs for a company of forty mounted men, to be upon the same footing and to act as a detachment of the 1st Oregon cavalry, for the purpose of guarding the Caņon City road. The proclamation was made, and Nathan Olney of The Dalles appointed recruiting officer, with the rank of 2d lieutenant. The term of service required was only four months, or until the cavalry which was in the field should have returned to the forts in the neighborhood of the settlements and mines. The people of The Dalles, whose interests suffered by the frequent raids of the Indians, offered to make up a bounty in addition to the pay of the government. The company was raised, and left The Dalles July 19th, to patrol the road between The Dalles and the company of Captain Caldwell, which performed this duty on the south fork of John Day River. In the summer of 1864 every man of the Oregon cavalry was in the field. Immediately after Lieutenant Waymire's expedition a larger one, consisting of companies D, G, and part of B, was ordered to Crooked River, there to establish headquarters. With them went twenty-five scouts from the Warm Spring reservation, under Donald McKay, half-brother of W. C. McKay. This force left The Dalles April 20th, under the command of Captain Drake, 498 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. being re-enforced at Warm Spring by Small's company from Vancouver, and arriving at Steen's old camp May 17th, where a depot was made, and the place called Camp Maury. It was situated three miles from Crooked River, near its juncture with Des Chutes, in a small caņon heavily timbered with pine, and abundantly watered by cold mountain springs. The scouts soon discovered a camp of the enemy about fourteen miles to the east, who had with them a large number of horses. Lieutenants McCall and Watson, with thirty-five men and some of the Indian scouts, set out at ten o clock at night to surround and surprise the savages, but when day dawned it was discovered that they were strongly intrenched behind the rocks. McCall directed Watson to advance on the front with his men, while he and McKay attacked on both flanks. Watson executed his duty promptly, but McCall, being detained by the capture of a herd of horses, was diverted from the main attack. On hearing Watson's fire he hastened on, but finding himself in the range of the guns had to make a detour, which lengthened the delay. In the mean time the Indians concentrated their fire on those who first attacked, and Watson was shot through the heart while cheering on his men, two of whom were killed beside him, and five others wounded. The Indians made their escape. On the 20th of May Waymire, who had relieved Watson at Warm Spring, was ordered to join Drake's command, and on the 7th of June all the companies concentrating at Camp Maury proceeded to Harney Valley, where it was intended to establish a depot, but finding the water in the lake brackish and the grass poor, the plan was abandoned. Somewhere in this region Drake expected to meet Curry, who with A and E companies, ten Cayuse scouts under Umhowlitz, and Colonel Maury had left Walla Walla on the 28th of April, by way of the immigrant road for Fort Boise and the Owyhee, but two weeks elapsed before a junction was made. CURRY S EXPEDITION. 499 Curry's expedition on reaching old Fort Boise was re-enforced by Captain Barry of the 1st Washington infantry, with twenty-five men. A temporary depot was established eight miles up the Owyhee River and placed in charge of Barry. The cavalry marched up the west bank of the river to the mouth of a tributary called Martin Creek, formed by the union of Jordan and Sucker creeks, near which was the crossing of the road from California to the Owyhee mines, beginning to be much travelled.[50] On the 25th of May, Curry moved west from the ferry eight miles, and established a camp on a small stream falling into the Owyhee, which he called Gibbs Creek, in honor of Governor Gibbs. Here he began building a stone bridge and fortifications, which he named Camp Henderson, after the Oregon congressman; and Rhinehart was ordered to bring up the supplies left with Barry, the distance being about one hundred miles between the points. When Rhinehart came up with the supply train he found Curry absent on an exploring expedition. Being satisfied from all he could learn that he was not yet in the heart of the country most frequented by the predatory Indians, where he desired to fix his encampment, Curry made an exploration of a very difficult country to the south-west.[51] On this expedition, Alvord Valley, at the eastern base of Steen Mountain, was discovered;[52] and being satisfied that hereabout would be found the head- 500 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. quarters of a considerable portion of the hostile Indians, Curry determined to move the main command to this point, and to this end returned toward camp Henderson by another route, hardly less wearisome and destitute of water than the former one. The place selected for a permanent camp was between some rifle-pits dug in the spring by Waymire's command and the place where he fought the Indians, on a small creek coming down from the hills, which sank about three miles from the base of the mountains. Earthworks were thrown up in the form of a star, to constitute a fort easily defended. Through this enclosure ran a stream of pure water, and there was room for the stores and the garrison, the little post being called Camp Alvord. Here were left Barry's infantry and the disabled cavalry horses and their riders; and on the 22d of June Curry set out with the main cavalry to form a junction with Drake, somewhere in the vicinity of Harney Lake, which junction was effected on the 1st of July at Drake's camp on Rattlesnake Creek, Harney Valley. For a period of thirty days captains Drake and Curry acted in conjunction, scouting the country in every direction where there seemed any prospect of finding Indians, and had meantime been re-enforced by Lieutenant Noble with forty Warm Spring Indians, which brought the force in the field up to about four hundred. Small parties were kept continually moving over the country, along the base of the Blue Mountains, on the head waters of the John Day, and over toward Crooked River, as well as southward toward the southern immigrant trail, which was more especially under the protection of Colonel Drew. Mining and immigrant parties from California were frequently fallen in with, nearly every one of which had suffered loss of life or property, or both, and wherever it was possible the troops pursued the Indians with about the same success that the house-dog pursues the limber and burrowing fox. Few skir- INDIANS ON JORDAN CREEK. 501 mishes were had, and not a dozen Indians killed from April to August. In the mean time all the stock was driven off from Antelope Valley, a settled region sixty-five miles east of The Dalles, and about the same distance west of the crossing of the south fork of the John Day; and nothing but a continuous wall of troops could prevent these incursions. About the 1st of August Curry, who with Drake had been scouting in the Malheur mountains, separated from the latter and returned toward Camp Alvord. Before he reached that post he was met by an express from Fort Boise, with the information that a stock farmer on Jordan Creek, a branch of the Owyhee, had been murdered, and his horses and cattle driven off. Twenty-one miners of the Owyhee district had organized and pursued the Indians eighty miles in a south-west direction, finding them encamped in a deep caņon, where they were attacked. The Indians, being in great numbers, repulsed the miners with the loss of one killed[53] and two wounded. A second company was being organized, 160 strong, and Colonel Maury had taken the field with twenty-five men from Fort Boise. Curry pushed on to Camp Alvord, a distance of 350 miles, though his command had not rested since the 22d of June, arriving on the 12th with his horses worn out, and 106 men out of 134 sick with dysentery.[54] The Warm Spring Indians, who were constantly moving about over the country, brought intelligence which satisfied Curry that the marauding bands had gone south into Nevada. Consequently on the 2d of September, the sick having partially recovered, the main command was put in motion to follow their trail. Passing south, through the then new and famous mining district of Puebla Valley, where some prospectors were at work with a small quartz-mill, using sage-brush for fuel, a party 502 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. of five Indians was captured forty miles beyond. Surmising that they belonged to the band which attacked the rancho on Jordan Creek, they would have been hanged but for the interference of the miners of Puebla, who thought they should be more safe if mercy were shown. Yielding to their wishes, the Indians, who asserted that they were Pah Utes, were released. But the mercy shown then was atrociously rewarded, for they afterward returned and murdered these same miners.[55] The heat and dust of the alkali plains of Nevada retarding the convalescence of the troops, Curry proceeded no farther than Mud Lake, returning by easy marches on the west side of Steen Mountain to Camp Alvord September 16th, breaking camp on the 26th and marching to Fort Walla Walla, the infantry and baggage- wagons being sent to Fort Boise. Curry took the route down the Malheur to the immigrant road, where he was met October 14th by an express from district headquarters directing him if possible to be at The Dalles before the presidential election in November, fears being entertained that disloyal voters would make that the occasion of an outbreak. If anything could infuse new energy into the Oregon cavalry, it was a prospect of having to put down rebellion, and Curry was at Walla Walla twelve days afterward, where the command was formally dissolved, company A going into garrison there, the detachment of F to Lapwai, and company E to The Dalles, where the election proceeded quietly in consequence. Drake's command remained in the field until late in autumn, making his headquarters at Camp Dahlgren, on the head waters of Crooked River, and keeping lieutenants Waymire, Noble, and others scouring the country between the Cascade and Blue mountains. While these operations were going on in eastern Oregon, that strip of southern country lying along ON THE CALIFORNIA FRONTIER. 503 the California line between the Klamath Lakes and Steen Mountain was being scoured as a separate district being in fact a part of the district of California. Toward the last of March, Colonel Drew, at Camp Baker in Jackson county, received orders from the department of the Pacific to repair to Fort Klamath, as soon as the road over Cascades could be travelled, and leaving there men enough to guard the government property, to make a reconnoissance to the Owyhee country, and return to Klamath post. The snow being still deep on the summit of the mountains, in May a road was opened through it for several miles, and on the 26th the command left Camp Baker, arriving at Fort Klamath on the 28th. The Indians being turbulent in the vicinity of the fort, it became necessary to remain at that post until the 28th of June, when the expedition, consisting of thirty- nine enlisted men, proceeded to Williamson River, and thence to the Sprague River Valley, over a succession of low hills, covered for the most part with an open forest of pines.[56] He had proceeded no farther than Sprague River when his march was interrupted by news of an attack on a train from Shasta Valley proceeding by the way of Klamath Lake, Sprague River, and Silver Lake to the John Day Mines.[57] Fortunately Lieutenant Davis from Fort Crook, California, with ten men came up with the train in time to render assistance and prevent a massacre. The 504 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. company fell back forty miles to a company in the rear, and sent word to Fort Klamath, after which they retreated to Sprague River, and an ambulance having been sent to take the wounded to the fort, the immigrants all determined to travel under Drew's protection to the Owyhee, and thence to the John Day. Their course was up Sprague River to its head waters, across the Goose Lake Mountains into Drew Valley, thence into Goose Lake Valley, around the head of the lake to a point twenty-one miles down its east side to an intersection with the immigrant road from the States near Lassen Pass, where a number of trains joined the expedition. Passing eastward from this point, Drew's route led into Fandango Valley,[58] a glade a mile and a half west from the summit of the old immigrant pass, and thence over the summit of Warner Range into Surprise Valley,[59] passing across it and around the north end of Cowhead Lake, eastward over successive ranges of rocky ridges down a caņon into Warner Valley, and around the south side of Warner Mountain,[60] where he narrowly escaped attack by the redoubtable chief Panina, who was deterred only by seeing the howitzer in the train.[61] Proceeding south-east over a DREW'S EXPLORATIONS. 505 sterile country to Puebla Valley, the expedition turned northward to Camp Alvord, having lost so much time in escort duty that the original design of exploring about the head waters of the Owyhee could not be carried out. The last wagons reached Drew s camp, two miles east of Alvord, on the 31st of August, and from this point, with a detachment of nineteen men, Drew proceeded to Jordan Creek Valley and Fort Boise, escorting the immigration to these points, and returning to camp September 22d, where he found an order requiring his immediate return to Fort Klamath, to be present with his command at a council to be held the following month with the Klamaths, Modocs, and Panina's band of Snake Indians. On his return march Drew avoided going around the south-eastern point of the Warner Mountains, finding a pass through them which shortened his route nearly seventy miles, the road being nearly straight between Steen and Warner Mountains, and thence westward across the ridge into Goose Lake Valley, with a saving in distance of another forty miles. On rejoining his former trail he found it travelled by the immigration to Rogue River Valley, which passed down Sprague River and by the Fort Klamath road to Jacksonville. A line of communication was opened from that place to Owyhee and Boise, which was deemed well worth the labor and cost of the expedition, the old immigrant route being shortened between two and three hundred miles. The military gain was the discovery of the haunt of Panina and his band at Warner Mountain, and the discovery of the necessity for a post in Goose Lake Valley.[62] Congress having at length made an appropriation of $20,000 for the purpose of making a treaty with 506 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. the Indian tribes in this part of Oregon, Superintendent Huntington, after a preliminary conference in August, appointed a general council for the 9th of October. The council came off and lasted until the 15th, on which day Drew reached the council ground at the ford of Sprague River, glad to find his services had not been required, and not sorry to have had nothing to do with the treaty there made : not because the treaty was not a good and just one, but from a fear that the government would fail to keep it.[63] HUNTINGTON S TREATY. 507 Overtures had been made to Panina, but unsuccessfully. He had been invited to the council, but preferred enjoying his freedom. But an unexpected reverse was awaiting the chief. After Superintendent Huntingdon had distributed the presents provided for the occasion of the treaty, and deposited at the fort 16,000 pounds of flour to be issued to such of the Indians as chose to remain there during the winter, he set out on his return to The Dalles, as he had come, by the route along the eastern base of the Cascade Mountains. Quite unexpectedly, when in the neighborhood of the head waters of Des Chutes, he came upon two Snakes, who endeavored to escape, but being intercepted, were found to belong to Panina's band. The escort immediately encamped and sent out scouts in search of the camp of the chief, which was found after several hours, on one of the tributaries of the river, containing, however, only three men, three women, and two children, who were captured and brought to camp, one of the women being Panina's wife. Before the superintendent could turn to advantage this fortunate capture, which he hoped might bring him into direct communication with Panina, the Indians made a simultaneous attempt to seize the guns of their captors, when they were fired upon, and three killed, two escaping though wounded. One of these died a few hours afterward, but one reached Panina's camp, and recovered. By this means the chief learned of the loss of four of his warriors and the captivity of his wife, who was taken with the other women and children to Vancouver to be held as hostages. 508 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. Not long after this event Panina presented himself at Fort Klamath, having received a message sent him from the council ground, that he would be permitted to come and go unharmed, and wished Captain Kelly of Fort Klamath to assure the superintendent that he was tired of war, and would willingly make peace could he be protected.[64] To this offer of submission, answer was returned that the superintendent would visit him the following summer with a view to making a treaty. This closed operations against the Indians of southern Oregon for the year, and afforded a prospect of permanent peace, so far as the country adjacent to the Rogue River Valley was concerned, a portion of which had been subject to invasions from the Klamath country. Even the Umpqua Valley had not been quite free from occasional mysterious visitations, from which henceforward it was to be delivered. With the close of the campaigns of the First Oregon Cavalry for 1864, the term of actual service of the original six companies expired. They had performed hard service, though not of the kind they would have chosen. Small was the pay, and trifling the reward of glory. It was known as the puritan regiment, from habits of temperance and morality, and was largely composed of the sons of well-to-do farmers. Out of fifty-one desertions occurring in three years, but three were from this class, the rest being recruits from the floating population of the country. No regiment in the regular army had stood the same tests so heroically. When the legislature met in 1864 a bounty act was passed to encourage future, not to reward past, volunteering. It gave to every soldier who should enlist for three years or during the war, as part of the state's NEW ENLISTMENTS. 509 quota under the laws of congress, $150 in addition to other bounties and pay already provided for, to be paid in three instalments, at the beginning and end of the first year, and at the end of the term of service either to him, or in case of his demise, to his heirs. For the purpose of raising a fund for this use, a tax was levied of one mill on the dollar upon all the taxable property of the state.[65] At the same time, how ever, an act was passed appropriating $100,000 as a fund out of which to pay five dollars a month additional compensation to the volunteers already in the service. 66] On the day the first bill was signed Governor Gibbs issued a proclamation that a requisition had been made by the department commander for a regiment of infantry in addition to the volunteers then in the service of the United States, who were "to aid in the enforcement of the laws, suppress insurrection and invasion, and to chastise hostile Indians " in the military district of Oregon. Ten companies were called for, to be known as the 1st Infantry Oregon Volunteers, each company to consist of eighty-two privates maximum or sixty-four minimum, besides a full corps of regimental and staff officers. The governor in his proclamation made an earnest appeal to county officers to avoid a draft by vigorously prosecuting the business of procuring volunteers. Lieutenants commissions were immediately issued to men in the several counties as recruiting officers,[67] conditional upon their raising their companies within a prescribed time, when they would be promoted to the rank of captain.[68] 510 MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND OPERATIONS. Six companies were formed within the limit, and two more before the first of April 1865.[69] Early in January 1865 General McDowell made a requisition for a second regiment of cavalry, the existing organization to be kept up and to retain its name of 1st Oregon cavalry, but to be filled up to twelve companies. In making his proclamation Governor Gibbs reminded those liable to perform military duty of the bounties provided by the state and the general government which would furnish horses to the new regiment. But the response was not enthusiastic. About this time the district was extended to include the southern and south-eastern portions of the state, heretofore attached to California, while the Boise and Owyhee region was made a subdistrict of Oregon, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Drake. These arrangements left the military affairs of Oregon entirely in the hands of her own citizens, under the general command of General McDowell, and thus they remained through the summer. On the 14th of July Colonel Maury retired, and Colonel B. Curry took the command of the district. In the summer of 1864 General Wright, though retaining command of the district of California, was relieved of the command of the department of the Pacific by General McDowell, who in the month of August paid a visit of inspection to the district of Oregon, going first to Puget Sound, where fortifications were being erected at the entrance to Admiralty Inlet, and thence to Vancouver on the revenue cutter Shubrick, Captain Scamrnon. On the 13th of September he inspected the defensive works under construction at the mouth of the Columbia, FORTIFICATIONS. 511 which were begun the previous year. For this purpose congress had in 1861-2 appropriated $100,000 to be expended at the mouth of the Columbia, and with such rapidity had the work been pushed forward that the fortifications on Point Adams, on the southern side of the entrance to the river, were about completed at the time of McDowell s visit. With the approval of the war department, Captain George Elliot of the engineering corps named this fort in honor of General I. J. Stevens, who fell at the battle of Chantilly, September 1, 1862.[70] Immediately on the completion of this fort corresponding earthworks were erected on the north side of the entrance to the river on the high point known as Cape Disappointment, but recognized by the department as Cape Hancock. Both of these fortifications were completed before the conclusion of the civil war, which hastened their construction, and were garrisoned in the autumn of 1865.[71] In 1874, by order of the war department and at the suggestion of Assistant adjutant-general H. Clay Wood, the military post at Cape Hancock was named Fort Canby, in honor of Major-general Edward R. S. Canby, who perished by assassination during the Modoc war of 18723, and the official name of the cape was ordered to be used by the army.
CHAPTER XXI. THE SHOSHONE WAR. 1866-1868.
COMPANIES AND CAMPS -- STEELE'S MEASURES -- HALLECK HEADSTRONG -- BATTLE OF THE OWYHEE -- INDIAN RAIDS -- SUFFERINGS OF THE SETTLERS AND TRANSPORTATION MEN -- MOVEMENTS OF TROOPS -- ATTITUDE OF GOVERNOR WOODS -- FREE FIGHTING -- ENLISTMENT OF INDIANS TO FIGHT INDIANS -- MILITARY REORGANIZATION -- AMONG THE LAVA-BEDS CROOK IN COMMAND -- EXTERMINATION OR CONFINEMENT AND DEATH IN RESERVATIONS. IN the spring of 1865 the troops were early called upon to take the field in Oregon and Idaho, the roads between The Dalles and Boise, between Boise and Salt Lake, between Owyhee and Chico, and Owyhee and Humboldt in California, being unsafe by reason of Indian raids. A hundred men were sent in April to guard The Dalles and Boise road, which, owing to its length, 450 miles, they could not do. In May, company B, Oregon volunteers, Captain Palmer, moved from The Dalles to escort a supply-train to Boise. Soon after arriving, Lieutenant J. W. Cullen was directed to take twenty men and proceed 150 miles farther to Camp Reed, on the Salmon Falls Creek, where he was to remain and guard the stage and immigrant road. Captain Palmer was ordered to establish a summer camp on Big Camas prairie, which he called Camp Wallace. From this point Lieutenant C. H. Walker was sent with twenty-two enlisted men to the Three Buttes, 110 miles east of Camp Wallace, to look out for the immigration. Leaving most of his command at Three Buttes, Walker proceeded to Gibson's ferry, (512) CAMP LANDER. 513 above Fort Hall, where he found a great number of wagons crossing, and no unfriendly Indians. On receiving orders, however, he removed his company to the ferry, where he remained until September 19th, after which he proceeded to Fort Hall to prepare winter quarters, Palmer's company being ordered to occupy that post. The old fort was found a heap of ruins; but out of the adobes and some abandoned buildings of the overland stage company, a shelter was erected at the junction of the Salt Lake, Virginia City, and Boise roads, which station was named Camp Lander. This 514 THE SHOSHONE WAR. post and Camp Reed were maintained during the winter by the Oregon infantry, the latter having only tents for shelter, and being exposed to severe hardships.[72] In May detachments of Oregon cavalry were ordered from The Dalles, under lieutenants Charles Hobart and James L. Curry, to clear the road to Caņon City, and thence to Boise, from which post Major Drake ordered Curry to proceed to Rock Creek, on Snake River, to escort the mails, the Indians having driven off all the stock of the overland stage company from several of the stations. Lieutenant Hobart proceeded to Jordan Creek, where he established a post called Camp Lyon, after General Lyon, who fell during the war of the rebellion, at Willow Creek in Missouri. Soon after, being in pursuit of some Indians who had again driven off stock on Reynolds Creek, he was himself attacked while in camp on the Malheur, having the horses of his command stampeded; but in a fight of four hours, during which he had two men wounded, he recovered his own, took a part of the enemy's horses, and killed and wounded several Indians.[73] Captain L. L. Williams, of company H, Oregon infantry, who was employed guarding the Caņon City road, was ordered from camp Watson in September, to proceed on an expedition to Selvie River, Lieutenant Bowen of the cavalry being sent to join him with twenty-five soldiers. Before Bowen's arrival, Williams company performed some of the best fighting of the season under the greatest difficulties; being on foot, and compelled to march a long distance surrounded by Indians mounted and afoot, but of whom they killed fifteen, with a loss of one man killed and two wounded.[74] Williams remained in the Harney Valley through the winter, establishing Camp Wright. CURRY AND SPRAGUE. 515 In addition to the Oregon troops, Captain L. S. Scott, of the 4th California volunteer infantry, was employed guarding the road to Chico, being stationed in Paradise Valley through the summer, but ordered to Silver Creek in September, where he established Camp Curry. Colonel Curry had succeeded to the command of the district of the Columbia on the death of General Wright, while en route to Vancouver to assume the command, by the foundering of the steamship Brother Jonathan. In order to obviate the inconvenience of long and unwieldly transportation trains, and in order also to carry on a winter campaign, which he believed would be most effectual, as the Indians would then be found in the valleys, Curry distributed the troops in the foil owing camps: Camp Polk on the Des Chutes River, Camp Curry on Silver Creek, Camp Wright on Selvie River, camps Logan and Colfax on the Caņon City and Boise road, Camp Alvord in Alvord Valley, Camp Lyon on Jordan Creek, Idaho, Camp Reed near Salmon Falls, and Camp Lander at old Fort Hall, Idaho. But with all these posts the country continued to suffer with little abatement the scourge of frequent Indian raids. Early in October Captain F. B. Sprague, of the 1st Oregon infantry, was ordered to examine the route between Camp Alvord and Fort Klamath, with a view to opening communication with the latter. Escorted by eleven cavalrymen, Sprague set out on the 10th, taking the route by Warner Lake over which Drew had made a reconnoissance in 1865, arriving at Fort Klamath on the 17th without having seen any Indians. But having come from Fort Klamath a month previous, and seen a large trail crossing his route, going south, and not finding that any fresh trail indicated the return of the Indians, he came to the conclusion that they were still south of the Drew road, between it and Surprise Valley, where Camp Bidwell was located. On making this report to Major Rheinhart, in com- 516 THE SHOSHONE WAR. mand at Klamath, he was ordered to return to Camp Alvord by the way of Surprise Valley and arrange cooperative measures with the commander of the post there. But when he arrived at Camp Bidwell on the 28th, Captain Starr, of the second California volunteer cavalry, in command, was already under orders to repair with his company, except twenty-five men, to Fort Crook, before the mountains became impassable with snow. He decided, however, to send ten men, under Lieutenant Backus, with Sprague s escort, to prove the supposed location of the main body of the Indians. On the third day, going north, having arrived at Warner's Creek, which enters the east side of the lake seven miles south of the crossing of the Drew road, EASTERN OREGON, CAMPS AND FORTS [click on image to enlarge]. DISBANDMENT OF VOLUNTEERS. 517 without falling in with any Indians, Backus turned back to Camp Bidwell, and Sprague proceeded. No sooner had this occurred than signs of the enemy began to appear, who were encountered, 125 strong, about two miles south from the road. While the troops were passing an open space between the lake and the steep side of a mountain they were attacked by the savages hidden in trenches made by land-slides, and behind rocks. Sprague, being surprised, and unable either to climb the mountain or swim the lake, halted to take in the situation. The attacking parties were in the front and rear, but he observed that those in the rear were armed with bows and arrows, while those in front had among them about twenty-five rifles. The former were leaving their hiding-places to drive him upon the latter. Observing this, he made a sudden charge to the rear, escaping unharmed and returning to Camp Bidwell. Captain Starr then determined to hold his company at that post, and cooperate with Camp Alvord against those Indians. But when Sprague arrived there by another route he found the cavalry half dismounted by a recent raid of these ubiquitous thieves, and the other half absent in pursuit;[75] thus a good opportunity of beginning a winter campaign was lost. But an important discovery had been made of the principal rendezvous of the Oregon Snake Indians -- a knowledge which the regular army turned to account when they succeeded the volunteer service. In October, before Curry had thoroughly tested his plan of a winter campaign, orders were received to muster out the volunteers, and with them he retired from the service. He was succeeded in the command of the department by Lieutenant-colonel Drake, who in turn was mustered out in December. Little by-little the whole volunteer force was disbanded, until in June 1866 there remained in the service only com- 518 THE SHOSHONE WAR. pany B, 1st Oregon cavalry, and company I, 1st Oregon infantry. All the various camps in Oregon were abandoned except Camp Watson, against the removal of which the merchants of The Dalles protested,[76] and Camp Alvord, which was removed to a little different location and called Camp C. F. Smith. Camp Lyon and Fort Boise were allowed to remain, but forts Lapwai and Walla Walla were abandoned. These changes were made preparatory to the arrival of several companies of regular troops, and the opening of a new campaign under a new department commander. The first arrival in the Indian country of troops from the east was about the last of October 1865, when two companies of the 14th infantry were stationed at Fort Boise, with Captain Walker in command, when the volunteers at that post proceeded to Vancouver to be mustered out. No other changes occurred in this part of the field until spring, the United States and Oregon troops being fully employed in pursuing the omnipresent Snakes.[77] Toward the middle of February 1866, a large amount of property having been stolen, Captain Walker made an expedition with thirty-nine men to the mouth of the Owyhee, and into Oregon, between the Owyhee and Malheur rivers, coming upon a party of twenty-one Indians in a caņon, and opening fire. A vigorous resistance was made before the savages would relinquish their booty, which they did only when they were all dead but three, who escaped in the darkness of coming night. Walker lost one man killed and one wounded. On the 24th of February Major-general F. Steele CAMPS AND COMMANDERS. 519 took command of the department of the Columbia. There were in the department at that time, besides the volunteer force which amounted numerically to 553 infantry and 319 cavalry, one battalion of the 14th United States infantry, numbering 793 men, and three companies of artillery, occupying fortified works at the mouth of the Columbia and on San Juan Island. These troops, exclusive of the artillery, were scattered in small detachments over a large extent of country, as we already know. On the 2d of March the post of Fort Boise, with its dependencies, camps Lyon, Alvord, Reed, and Lander, was erected into a full military district, under the command of Major L. H. Marshall, who arrived at district headquarters about the 20th, and immediately made a requisition upon Steele for three more companies. In April Colonel J. B. Sinclair of the 14th infantry took the command at Camp Curry, which he abandoned and proceeded to Boise. Fort Boise received about this time a company of the same regiment, under Captain Hinton, withdrawn from Cape Hancock, at the mouth of the Columbia, and another, under Lieutenant-colonel J. J. Coppinger, withdrawn from The Dalles. Camp Watson received two companies of cavalry, under the command of Colonel E. M. Baker. Camp C. F. Smith received a cavalry company under Captain David Perry, who marched into Oregon from the south by the Chico route ; and Camp Lyon received another under Captain James C. Hunt, who entered Oregon by the Humboldt route. At Camp Lyon also was a company of the 14th infantry under Captain P. Collins, and one of the 1st Oregon infantry under Captain Sprague. From this it will be seen that most of the troops were massed in the Boise military district, only Baker's two companies being stationed where they could guard the road between The Dalles and Boise, which was so infested that the express company refused to carry treasure over it, half a dozen. 620 THE SHOSHONE WAR. successful raids having been made on the line of the road before the first of May. Although Steele's first action was to cause the abandonment of most of the camps already established, as I have noticed, as early as March 20th, he wrote to General Halleck, commanding the division of the Pacific, that the Indians had commenced depredations, with such signs of continued hostilities in the southern portions of Oregon and Idaho that he should recommend the establishment of two posts during the summer, from which to operate against them the following winter, one at or near Camp Wright, and another in Goose Lake Valley, from which several roads diverged leading to other valleys frequented by hostile Snakes, Utes, Pit Rivers, Modocs, and Klamaths. On the 28th of March Major Marshall led an expedition to the Bruneau River, 110 miles, finding only the unarmed young and old of the Snake tribe, to the number of 150. On returning about the middle of April he ordered Captain Collins, with a detachment of Company B and ten men from the 14th infantry, to proceed to Squaw Creek, a small stream entering Snake River a few miles below the mouth of Reynolds Creek, and search the caņon thoroughly, not only for Indian foes, but for white men who were said to be in league with them, and who, if found, were to be hanged without further ceremony. Being unsuccessful, Collins was sent to scout on Burnt River and Clark Creek. On the 11th of May Marshall again left the fort with Colonel Coppinger and eighty-four men, to scout on the head-waters of the Owyhee. He found a large force of Indians at the Three Forks of the Owyhee, strongly posted between the South and Middle forks. The river being impassable at this place, he moved down eight miles, where he crossed his men by means of a raft. As they were about to advance up the bluff, they were fired on by Indians concealed behind rocks. A battle now occurred which MARSHALL'S DEFEAT. 521 lasted four hours, in which seven of the savages were killed and a greater number wounded; but the Indians being in secure possession of the rocks could not be dislodged, and Marshall was forced to retreat across the river, losing his raft, a howitzer, some provisions, and some ammunition which was thrown in the river. His loss in killed was one non-commissioned officer.[78] His rout, notwithstanding, was complete, and to account for the defeat he reported the number of Indians engaged at 500, an extraordinary force to be in any one camp. And thus the war went on, from bad to worse.[79] On the 19th of May a large company of Chinamen, to whom the Idaho mines had recently been opened, were attacked at Battle Creek, where Jordan and others were killed, and fifty or sixty slaughtered, the frightened and helpless celestials offering no resistance, but trying to make the savages understand that they were non-combatants and begging for mercy.[80] Pepoon hastened to the spot, but found only dead bodies strewn 522 THE SHOSHONE WAR. along the road for six miles. This slaughter was followed by a raid on the horses and cattle near Boonville, in which the Indians secured over sixty head. As they used both horses and horned stock for food, the conclusion was that they were a numerous people or valiant eaters. Repeated raids in the region of the Owyhee, with which the military force seemed unable to cope, led to the organization, about the last of June, of a volunteer company of between thirty and forty men, under Captain I. Jennings, an officer who had served in the civil war. On the 2d of July they came upon the Indians on Boulder Creek, and engaged them, but soon found themselves surrounded, the savages being in superior force. Upon discovering their situation, the volunteers intrenched themselves, and sent a messenger to Camp Lyon ; but the Indians were gone before help came. The loss of the volunteers was one man killed and two wounded.[81] The Indian loss was reported to be thirty-five. The commander of the district of Boise did not escape criticism, having established a camp on the Bruneau River where there were no hostile Indians, and, it was said, shirked fighting where they were.[82] But during the month of August he scouted through the Goose Creek Mountains, killing thirty Indians, after which he marched in the direction of the forks of the Owyhee, where he had a successful battle, and retrieved the losses and failure of the spring campaign by hanging thirty-five captured savages to the limbs of trees.[83] He proceeded from there to Steen Moun- INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 523 tain, Carnp Warner, Warner Lake, where he arrived on the 1st of October. In the mean time the stage-lines and transportation companies, as well as the stock-raisers, on the route between The Dalles and Caņon City, and between Caņon City and Boise, were scarcely less annoyed and injured than those in the more southern districts.[84] Colonel Baker employed his troops in scouring the country, and following marauding bands when their depredations were known to him, which could not often be the case, owing to the extent of country over which the depredations extended. On the 4th of July Lieutenant R. F. Bernard, with thirty-four cavalry men, left Camp Watson in pursuit of Indians who 524 THE SHOSHOXE WAR. had been committing depredations on the Caņon City road, and marched south to the head- waters of Crooked River, thence to Selvie River and Harney Lake, passing around it to the west and south, and continuing south to Steen Mountain; thence north-east around Malheur Lake, and on to the head-waters of Malheur River, where, on the middle branch, for the first time in this long march, signs of Indians were discovered. Encamping in a secure situation, scouts were sent out, who captured two. Lieutenant Bernard himself, with fifteen men, searched for a day in the vicinity without finding any of the savages. On the 17th he detached a party of nineteen men, under Sergeant Conner, to look for them, who on the 18th, about eight o'clock in the morning, on Rattlesnake Creek, discovered a large camp, which he at once attacked, killing thirteen and wounding many more. The Indians fled, leaving a few horses and mules, but taking most of their property. The loss on the side of the troops was Corporal William B. Lord. The detachment returned to camp on the evening of the 18th, where they found a company of forty-seven citizens from Auburn in Powder River Valley in search of the same band. With this addition to his force, Bernard, on the 19th, renewed the pursuit, and found the Indians encamped in a deep caņon with perpendicular walls of rock, about a mile beyond their former camp, which place they had further fortified, but which on discovering that they were pursued they abandoned, leaving all their provisions and camp equipage behindhand escaping with only their horses and arms. Leaving the citizens to guard the pack-train, Bernard, with thirty men, followed the flying enemy for sixty miles over a broken and timbered country, passing the footmen, who scattered and hid in the rocks, and encamping on Selvie River. During the night the footmen came together, and passing near camp, turned off into some low hills covered with broken rocks and juniper trees. HALLECK'S POLICY. 525 Upon being pursued, they again scattered like quail, and only two women and children were captured. The following day the train was sent for, and the citizens notified that they could accomplish nothing by coming farther. Bernard continued to follow the trail of the mounted Indians for another day, when he returned to Camp Watson, having travelled 630 miles in twenty-six days. He spoke of a report often before circulated that there were white men among the Malheur band of Shoshones, the troops having heard the English language distinctly spoken during the battle of the 18th. He estimated the number of Indians, men, women, and children, at 300, and the fighting men at eighty. The loss of all their provisions and other property, it was thought, would disable them.[85] In August Lieutenant-colonel R. F. Beirne, of the 14th infantry, from Camp Watson, marched from The Dalles along the Caņon City road to Boise, scouting the country along his route. On arriving at Fort Boise, he was ordered to scout the Burnt River region, where the Indians were more troublesome, if that were possible, than ever before. The same was true of the Powder River district and Caņon City; and the inhabitants complained that the troops drove the Indians upon the settlements. To this charge Steele replied that this could not always be avoided. But the people of the north-eastern part of Oregon asserted, whether justly or not, that Halleck favored California, by using the main strength of the troops in his division to protect the route from Chico to the Idaho mines, so that the California merchants should be able to monopolize the trade of the mines, while the Oregon merchants were left to suffer on the road from the Columbia River to the mines of Idaho, or to protect themselves as they best could. The stage company suffered equally with packers and merchants. Finally Halleck visited south-eastern Oregon; and 526 THE SHOSHONE WAR. going to Fort Boise by the well -protected Chico route, and thence to the Columbia River, travelling with an escort, and at a time when the Indians were most quiet, being engaged in gathering seeds and roots for food, he saw nothing to excite apprehension. The legislature, which met in September, and the new governor, George L. Woods, were urged to take some action, which was done.[86] After some discussion, a joint resolution was passed, October 7th, that if the general government did not within thirty days from that date send troops to the protection of eastern Oregon the governor was requested to call out a sufficient number of volunteers to afford the necessary aid to citizens of that part of the state. General Steele had been quite active since taking the command in Oregon. During the summer he had made four tours of inspection: one to and around Puget Sound, travelling between 600 and 700 miles, a part of the time on horseback. The second tour was performed altogether on horseback, a distance of over 1,200 miles. Leaving The Dalles with an escort of ten men and his aide-de-camp, he proceeded to Camp Watson, where he took one of the cavalry companies sent to that post in April, commanded by Major E. Myers, and continued his journey to Camp Curry and Malheur Lake. While encamped on the east side of the lake, the Indians drove off fifty-two pack-mules belonging to the escort. They were pursued, and the animals recovered, except three which had been killed and eaten. From Lake Malheur Steele proceeded without further interruption to Camp Lyon, and thence to Fort Boise, where he found General Halleck and staff, returning to The Dalles by the usually travelled road -- leaving, it would seem by the complaints of the citizens of Eastern Oregon, Myers company in the Boise country. With Halleck, he STEELE'S TOUR. 527 next inspected the forts at the mouth of the Columbia; and on the 13th of August returned to Boise, crossing Snake River at the mouth of the Bruneau, examining the country in that vicinity with a view to establishing a post. From Bruneau Steele went to the Owyhee mines, and thence to the forks of the Owyhee, where troops were encamped watching the movements of the Indians. Taking an escort of twenty men, under Captain David Perry, he next proceeded to Alvord Valley, arriving at Camp Smith on the 6th of September. Thence he returned to Fort Boise, and to Vancouver about the time the legislature was considering the subject of raising volunteers. Soon after the return of Steele and his interview with Woods, recruiting for the 8th regiment United States cavalry was begun in the Willamette Valley, but progressed slowly, the recruiting service having been injured by the action of the legislature, which held out the prospect of a volunteer organization, in which those who would enlist preferred to serve. The movement to recruit, however, by promising to put an additional force in the field, arrested the volunteer movement, and matters were left to proceed as formerly.[87] 528 THE SHOSHONE WAR. But it cannot be said that Steele did not keep his troops in motion. He decided also to try the effect of a winter campaign, and reestablished several camps, besides establishing Camp Warner, on the west side of Warner Lake, and Camp Three Forks of Owyhee on the head of the north branch of that river, on the border of the Flint district, and throwing a garrison into each of the two abandoned forts of Lapwai and Walla Walla. Two or three more cavalry companies arrived before December, there being then seven in Oregon and Idaho, besides five companies of the 14th infantry, one of the 1st Oregon infantry, and five of artillery in the department. A number of scouting parties were out during the autumn, scouring the south-eastern part of Oregon, skirmishing here and there, seldom inflicting or sustaining much loss. On the 26th of September fifty cavalrymen under Lieutenant Small attacked the enemy at Lake Abert, in the vicinity of Camp Warner, and after a fight of three hours routed them, killing fourteen and taking seven prisoners. Their horses, rifles, and winter stores fell into the hands of the troops. On the morning of the 15th of October Lieutenant Oatman, 1st Oregon infantry, from Fort Klamath, with twenty-two men and five Klamaths as scouts, set out for Fort Bidwell to receive reinforcements and provisions for an extended scouting expedition. He was joined by Lieutenant Small with twenty-seven cavalrymen. The command marched to the Warner OATMAN'S FIGHT. 529 Lake basin, seeking the rendezvous of the enemy. Two days were spent in vain search, when the command undertook to cross the mountains to Lake Abert, at their western base, being guided by Blow, a Klamath chief. After proceeding six miles in a direct course, a deep caņon was encountered running directly across the intended route, which was followed for ten miles before any crossing offered which would permit the troops to pass on to the west. Such a crossing was at last found, the mountains being passed on the 26th, and at eleven o clock of the day the command entered the beautiful valley of the Chewaucan by a route never before travelled by white men. About two and a half miles from the point where they entered the valley, Indians were discovered running toward the mountains. Being pursued by the troops, they took up their position in a rocky caņon. Leaving the horses with a guard, the main part of the command advanced, and dividing, passed up the ridges on both sides of the ravine, while a guard remained at its mouth. At twelve o clock the firing began, and was continued for three hours. Fourteen Indians were killed, and twice as many wounded. The Indians then fled into the mountains, and the troops returned to their respective posts.[88] Early in November the Shoshones under Panina threatened an attack on the Klamath reservation, in revenge for the part taken against them by the Klamaths in acting as scouts. With a promptness unusual with congress, the treaty made with Panina in September 1865 had been ratified,[89] and this chief was under treaty obligations. But true to his threat, he invaded the Sprague River Valley, where the chief of the Modocs had his home, stealing some of Sconchin's horses. In return, Sconchin pursued, capturing two Snake women. He reported to the agent on the 530 THE SHOSHONE WAR. reservation that he had conversed with some of Panina's head men, at a distance, in the manner of Indians, and learned from them that the Snakes were concentrating their forces near Goose Lake, preparatory to invading the reservation, and capturing the fort. Applegate, the agent, notified Sprague, who reported to his superiors, saying that he had not men enough to defend the reservation and search for the enemy. The Shoshones did in fact come within a few miles of the post, where they were met and fought by the troops and reservation Indians, losing thirteen killed and others wounded. Meanwhile the troops were gradually and almost unconsciously surrounding the secret haunts of the hostile Shoshones in Oregon, their successes being in proportion to their nearness of approach, the attacking party on either side being usually victorious.[90] About this time the controversy between the civil and military authorities took a peculiar turn. The army bill of 1866 provided for attaching Indian scouts to the regular forces engaged in fighting hostile bands; and certain numbers were apportioned among the states and territories where Indian hostilities existed, the complement of Oregon being one hundred. Governor Woods made application to General Steele to have these hundred Indians organized into two companies of fifty each, under commanders to be selected by himself, and sent into the field independently of the regular troops, but to act in conjunction with them. This proposition Steele declined, on the ground that the army bill contemplated the employment of Indians as scouts only, in numbers of ten or fifteen to a command. INDIAN COMPANIES. 531 Being refused by Steele, Woods appealed to Halleck as division commander, who also refused, using little courtesy in declining. The quarrel now became one in which the victory would be with the stronger. Woods telegraphed to the secretary of war a statement of the case, and asked for authority to carry out his plan of fighting Indians with Indians. Secretary Stanton immediately ordered Halleck to conform his orders to the wishes of the governor of Oregon in this respect ; and thus constrained, authority was given by Halleck to Woods to organize two companies of fifty Indians each, and appoint their officers. Accordingly, W. C. McKay and John Darragh, both familiar with the Indian language and customs, were appointed lieutenants, to raise and command the Indian companies, which were sent into the field, with the humane orders to kill and destroy without regard to age, sex, or condition.[91] About the time that the Warm Spring Indians took the field, George Crook, lieutenant-colonel 23d infantry, a noted Indian-fighter in California, was ordered to relieve Marshall in the command of the district of Boise,[92] as the Idaho newspapers said, "to 532 THE SHOSHONE WAR. the satisfaction of everybody." General Crook was a man of quiet determination, and the people of Oregon and Idaho expected great things of him. Nor were they disappointed, for to him is due the credit of subduing the hostile tribes on the Oregon and California frontier, and in Idaho. When the war began, eastern Oregon was for the most part a terra incognita, and the Oregon cavalry had spent four years in exploring it and tracking the Indians to their hitherto unknown haunts. And now the most efficient officers decided that the Indians must be fought in the winter, and Steele, after brief observation, adopted the theory. Then Governor Woods had thrown into the field the best possible aids to the troops in his two companies of Indian allies. When Crook assumed command in the Boise district the Indians were already hemmed in by a cordon of camps and posts, with detachments continually in the field harassing and reducing them. About the middle of December Crook took the field with forty soldiers and a dozen Warm Spring allies. On the Owyhee he found a body of about eighty warriors prepared for battle. Leaving ten men to guard camp, he attacked with the remainder, fighting for several hours, when the savages fled, leaving some women and children and thirty horses in his hands. Twenty- CROOK'S CAMPAIGNS. 533 five or thirty Indians were killed. Crook lost but one man, Sergeant O'Toole, who had fought in twenty-eight battles of the rebellion. In January 1867 Crook's men again met the enemy about fifteen miles from the Owyhee ferry, on the road to California. His Indian scouts discovered the Snake camp, which was surprised and attacked at daylight. In this affair sixty Indians were killed and thirty prisoners taken, with a large number of horses. A man named Hanson, a civilian, was killed in the charge, and three of Crook's men wounded. Soon after a smaller camp was discovered; five of the savages were killed, and the remainder captured. An Indian was recognized among the prisoners who had before been captured and released on his promise to refrain from warlike practices in the future, and was shot for violating his parole.[93] From the Owyhee Crook proceeded toward Malheur lake and river, in the vicinity of which the Warm Spring Indian companies had been operating. On the 6th of January McKay attacked a camp, killing three, taking a few horses and some ammunition. He discovered the headquarters of Panina, who had fortified himself on a mountain two thousand feet in height, and climbing the rocks with his men, fought the chief a whole day without gaining much advantage, killing three Sho-shones, and having one man and several horses wounded. The same night, however, he discovered another hostile camp, attacking which he killed twelve, and took some prisoners. The snow being fourteen to eighteen inches deep in north-eastern Oregon at this time, the impossibility of keeping up the strength of their horses compelled the scouts to suspend operations. Meanwhile, notwithstanding the exertions of the troops, it was impossible to check the inroads of the Indians. Only a few years previous to the breaking 534 THE SHOSHONE WAR. out of the Shoshone war this tribe was treated with contempt, as incapable of hostilities, other than petty thefts and occasional murders for gain. When they first began their hostile visits to the Warm Spring reservation Robert Newell, one well acquainted with the character of the different tribes, laughed at the terror they inspired, and declared that three or four men ought to defend the agency against a hundred of them. But a change had come over these savages with the introduction of fire-arms and cattle. From cowardly, skulking creatures, whose eyes were ever fastened on the ground in search of some small living thing to eat, the Shoshones had come to be as much feared as any savages in Oregon.[94] As early as the middle of March detachments of troops were moving on the Caņon City road, and following the trails of the marauders. They travelled many hundred miles, killing with the aid of the allies twenty-four Indians, taking a few prisoners, and destroying some property of the enemy. On the 27th of July Crook, while scouting between Camp C. F. Smith and Camp Harney with detachments from three companies of cavalry, travelling at night and INDIAN ALLIES AND RESERVATIONS. 535 lying concealed by day, came upon a large body of the enemy in a caņon in the Puebla Mountains. He had with him the two companies of allies, composed of Warm Spring, Columbia River, and Boise Shoshones, the first eager for an opportunity of avenging themselves on an hereditary foe. They were allowed to make the attack, leaving the troops in reserve. The Shoshones were completely surrounded, and the allies soon had thirty scalps dangling at their belts. It was rare sport for civilization, this making the savages fight the savages for its benefit.[95] Proceeding toward and when within eight miles of the post, another Indian camp was discovered and surrounded as before, the allies being permitted to perform the work of extermination. From observing that the Indians were constantly well supplied with ammunition, and that although so many and severe losses were sustained the enemy were not disheartened nor their number lessened, General Crook came to the conclusion that it was not the Oregon tribes alone he was fighting. From a long experience in Indian diplomacy, he had discovered that reservations were a help rather than a hinderance to Indian warfare, premising that the reservation Indians were not really friendly in their dispositions. It was impossible always to know whether all the Indians belonging to a reservation were upon it or not, or what was their errand when away from it. An Indian, thought nothing of travelling two or three hundred miles to steal a horse in fact, the farther his thefts from the reservation the better, for obvious reasons., He was less liable to detection ; and then he could say he had been on a hunting expedition, or to gather the seeds and berries which were only to be found in mountains and marshes, where the eye of the agent was not likely to follow him. Meantime he, with 536 THE SHOSHONE WAR. others like-minded, could make a rapid journey into Oregon, leaving his confederates on the reservation, who would help him to sell the stolen horses on his return for arms and ammunition, and who in their turn would carry these things to the Oregon Indians to exchange for other stolen horses. There were always enough low and vicious white men in the neighborhood of reservations to purchase the property thus obtained by the Indians and furnish them with the means of carrying on their nefarious practices. By this means a never-failing supply of men, arms, and ammunition was pouring into Oregon, furnished by the reservation Indians of California. Such, at all events, was the conviction of Crook, and he determined to act upon it by organizing a sufficient force of cavalry in his district to check the illicit trade being carried on over the border. It was the intention of Crook to have his troops ready for prosecuting the plan of intercepting these incursions from California by the 1st of July; but owing to delay in mounting his infantry, and getting supplies to subsist the troops in the field, the proposed campaign was retarded for nearly two months. The rendezvous for the expedition was Camp Smith, on the march from which point to Camp Warner, in July, his command intercepted two camps of the migratory warriors, and killed or captured both. Crook left Camp Warner on the 29th of July with forty troops under Captain Harris, preceded by Darragh with his company of scouts, with a view of selecting a site for a new winter camp, the climate of Warner being too severe.[96] Passing southerly around the base of Warner buttes, and north again to the Drew crossing of the shallow strait between Warner lakes, DISTRICT CHANGES. 537 he encamped on Honey Creek, fifteen miles north-west of Warner, where he found Darragh, whom he followed the next day up the creek ten miles, finding that it headed in a range of finely timbered mountains trending north and south, with patches of snow on their summits. On the 31st the new camp was located in an open- timbered country, on the eastern boundary of California, and received the name of New-Warner. It was 500 feet lower than the former camp. On the 1st of August the command returned, having discovered some fresh trails leading toward California, and confirming the theory of the source of Indian supplies. At Camp Warner were found Captain Perry and McKay, who had returned from a scout to the south-east without finding an Indian; while Archie McIntosh, a half-breed Boise scout, had brought in eleven prisoners, making forty-six killed and captured by the allies within two weeks. On the 3d of August Crook set out on a reconnoissance to Selvie River and Harney Valley, with the object of locating another winter post, escorted by Lieutenant Stanton, with a detachment of Captain Perry's company, and Archie McIntosh with fifteen scouts. The point selected was at the south end of the Blue Mountains, on the west side, and the camp was named Harney.[97] On the 16th of August, by a general order issued from headquarters military division of the Pacific, the district of Boise was restricted to Fort Boise. Camp Lyon, Camp Three Forks of the Owyhee, and Camp C. F. Smith were made to constitute the district of Owyhee,[98] and placed under the command of General Elliott, 1st cavalry. Fort Klamath and camps Watson, Warner, Logan, and Harney were designated as constituting the district of the lakes, and assigned to the command of Crook, who also had 538 THE SHOSHONE WAR. command of the troops at Camp Bidwell, should he require their services. Having at last obtained a partial mount for his infantry, Crook set out about September 1st for that part of the country from which he believed the re-enforcements of the Indians to come, with three companies of cavalry, one of mounted infantry, and all the Indian allies. It was hoped by marching at night and lying concealed by day to surprise some considerable number of the enemy. But it was not until the 9th that Darragh reported finding Indians in the tules about Lake Abert. On proceeding from camp on the east side of Goose Lake two days in a north course, the trail of a party of Indians was discovered, but Crook believed them to be going south, and dividing his force, sent captains Perry and Harris and the Warm Spring allies north to scout the country between Sprague and Des Chutes rivers, taking in Crooked River and terminating their campaign at Camp Harney in Harney Valley. At the same time he took a course south-east to Surprise Valley, with the mounted infantry under Madigan, one cavalry company under Parnell, and the Boise scouts under McIntosh. Having found that there were Indians in the mountains east of Goose Lake, but having proof that they had also discovered him, instead of moving at night, as heretofore, he made no attempt to conceal himself, but marched along the road as if going to Fort Crook, and actually did march to within twenty miles of it; but when he came to a place where he was concealed by the mountains along the river on the south side, he crossed over and encamped in a timbered caņon. On the 25th the command was marched in a course south-east, along the base of a spur of the mountains covered with timber. While passing through a ravine a small camp of Indians was discovered, who fled, and were not pursued. Coining soon after to a plain trail leading toward the south fork of Pit River, CROOK ON PIT RIVER. 539 it was followed fifteen miles, and the camp for the night made in a caņon timbered with pine, with good grass and water. Signs of Indians were plenty, but the commander was not hopeful. The horses were beginning to fail with travelling over lava-beds, and at night; the Indians were evidently numerous and watchful; and there was no method of determining at what point they might be expected to appear. Forewarned in a country like that on the Pit River, the advantages were all on the side of the Indians. The march on the 26th led the troops over high table-land, eastward along a much used trail, where tracks of horses and Indians were frequent, leading finally to the lava-bluffs overlooking the south branch of Pit River, and through two miles of caņon down into the valley. Here the troops turned to the north along the foot of the bluffs, and when near the bend of the river the scouts announced the discovery of Indians in the rocks near by. Crook prepared for battle by ordering Parnell to dismount half his men and form a line to the south of the occupied rocks, while Madigan formed a similar line on the north side, the two uniting on the east in front of the Indian position. McIntosh with his scouts was ordered back to the bluff overlooking the valley, the troops getting into position about one o clock, and the Indians waiting to be attacked in the rocks. The stronghold was a perpendicular lava-wall, three hundred feet high, and a third of a mile long on the west side of the valley. At the north end was a ridge of bowlders, and at the south end a caņon. In front was a low sharp ridge of lava-blocks, from which there was a gradual slope into the valley. These several features of the place formed a natural fortification of great strength. But there were yet other features rendering it even more formidable. Running into its south-eastern boundary were two promontories, a hundred and fifty feet in length, thirty in height, with perpendicular walls parallel to each other and about 540 THE SHOSHONE WAR. thirty feet apart, making a scarped moat which could not be passed. At the north end of the eastern promontory the Indians had erected a fort of stone, twenty feet in diameter, breast-high, pierced with loop-holes; and on the western promontory two larger forts of similar construction. Between this fortress and the bluff where the scouts were stationed were huge masses of rocks of every size and contour. The only approach appearing practicable was from the eastern slope, near which was the first fort. At the word of command Parnell approached the caņon on the south. A volley was fired from the fort, and the Indians fell back under cover, when the assailants by a quick movement gained the shelter of the rocky rim of the ravine; but in reconnoitring immediately afterward they exposed themselves to another volley from the fort, which killed and wounded four men. It was only by siege that the foe could be dislodged. Accordingly Eskridge, who had charge of the horses, herders, and supplies, was ordered to go into camp, and preparations were made for taking care of the wounded, present and prospective. The battle now opened in earnest, and the afternoon was spent in volleys from both sides, accompanied by the usual sounds of Indian warfare, in which yells the troops indulged as freely as the Indians. A squad of Parnell's men were ordered to the bluff to join the scouts, and help them to pour bullets down into the round forts. The Indians were entirely surrounded, yet such was the nature of the ground that they could not be approached by men in line, and the firing was chiefly confined to sharp-shooting. The range from the bluffs above the fort was about four hundred yards, at an angle of forty-five degrees; and hundreds of shots were sent during the afternoon down among them. From the east fort shots could reach the bluff from long-range guns, and it was necessary to keep under cover. All the Indians who could BATTLE OF THE BLUFF. 541 be seen were clad only in a short skirt, with feathers in their hair. One of them, notwithstanding the cordon of soldiers, escaped out of the fortress over the rocky ridge and bluff, giving a triumphant whoop as he gained the level ground, and distancing his pursuers. It was conjectured that he must have gone either for supplies or re-enforcements. Thus wore away the afternoon. As night approached Crook, who by this time had reconnoitered the position from every side, directed rations to be issued to the pickets stationed around the stronghold to prevent escapes. When darkness fell the scouts left the bluff and crept down among the rocks of the ridge intervening between the bluff and the fortress, getting within a hundred feet of the east fort. The troops also now carefully worked themselves into the shelter of the rocks nearer to the Indians, who evidently anticipated their movements and kept their arrows flying in every direction, together with stones, which they threw at random. In the cross-fire kept up in the dark one of Madigan's men was killed by Parnell's company. All night inside the forts there was a sound of rolling about and piling up stones, as if additional breastworks were being constructed. Whenever a volley was fired by the troops in the direction of these noises, a sound of voices was heard reverberating as if in a cavern. During the early part of the night there were frequent flashes of lightning and heavy peals of thunder. In the mean time no change was apparent in the position of affairs. At daybreak Parnell and Madigan were directed to bring in their pickets and form under the crest of the ridge facing the east fort, while the scouts were ordered to take position on the opposite side of the ridge, and having first crawled up the slope among the rocks as far as could be done without discovering themselves, at the word of command to storm the fort.[99] At sunrise the command Forward! was given. 542 THE SHOSHONE WAR. The men, about forty in number, sprang to their feet and rushed toward the fort. They had not gone twenty paces when a volley from the Indians struck down Lieutenant Madigan, three non-commissioned officers, three privates, and one citizen -- eight in all. The remainder of the storming party kept on, crossing a natural moat and gaining the wall, which seemed to present but two accessible points. Up one of these Sergeant Russler, of Company D, 23d infantry, led the way; and up the other, Sergeant Meara and Private Sawyer, of Company H, 1st cavalry, led at different points. Meara was the first to reach a natural parapet surrounding the east fort on two sides, dashing across which he was crying to his men to come on, when a shot struck him and he fell dead. At the same moment Russler came up, and putting his gun through a loop-hole fired, others following his example. He was also struck by a shot. It was expected that the Indians, being forced to abandon the enclosure which was now but a pen in which all might be slaughtered, would be easily shot as they came out, and some of the men disposed themselves so as to interrupt their anticipated flight; but what was the surprise of all to see that as fast as they left the fort they disappeared among the rocks as if they had been lizards. In a short time the soldiers had possession of the east fort, but a moment afterward a volley corning across from the two forts on the west, and scattering shots which appeared to come from the rocks beneath, changed the position of the besiegers into that of the besieged. Several men more were wounded, one more killed, and the situation became critical in the extreme. But notwithstanding the Indians still had so greatly the advantage, they seemed to have been shaken in their courage by the boldness of the troops in storm- ESCAPE OF THE WARRIORS. 543 ing the east fort, or perhaps they were preparing a surprise. A continuous lull followed the volley from the west forts, which lasted, with scattering shots, until noon, though the men exposed themselves to draw the fire of the enemy and uncover his position. One shot entered a loop-hole and killed the soldier stationed there. Shots from the Indians became fewer during the afternoon, while the troops continued to hold the east fort, and pickets were stationed who kept up a fire wherever any sign of life appeared in the Indian quarter. The west forts, being inaccessible, could not be stormed. There was nothing to do but to watch for the next movement of the Indians, who so far as known were still concealed in their fortifications, where the crying of children and other signs of life could be heard through the day and night of the 27th. On the morning of the 28th, the suspense having become unbearable, Crook permitted an Indian woman to pass the lines, from whom he received an explanation of the mysterious silence of the Indian guns. Not a warrior was left in the forts. By a series of subterranean passages leading to the caņon on the south-west, they had all escaped, and been gone for many hours. An examination of the ground revealed the fact that by the means of fissures and caverns in the sundered beds of lava, communication could be kept up with the country outside, and that finding themselves so strongly besieged they had with Indian mutability of purpose given up its defence, and left behind their women and children to deceive the troops until they were safely away out of danger. To attempt the examination of these caves would be fool hardy. A soldier, in descending into one, was shot through the heart, probably by some wounded Indian left in hiding there. The extent and depth of the caverns and fissures would render futile any attempt to drive out the savages by fire or powder. Nothing remained but to return to Camp Warner, which movement was begun on the 30th, and ended on the 544 THE SHOSHONE WAR. 4th of October at the new post in the basin east of Lake Abert. The result of this long-projected campaign could not be said to be a victory. According to Wassen, it was not claimed by the troops that more than fifteen Indians were killed at the Pit River fortress, while the loss sustained by the command in the two days siege was eight killed and twelve wounded.[100] That General Crook sacrificed his men in the affair of Pit River in his endeavor to achieve what the public expected of him is evident, notwithstanding the laudatory and apologetic accounts of the correspondents of the expedition. Had he let his Indian scouts do the fighting in Indian fashion, while he held his troops ready to succor them if overpowered, the result might have been different. One thing, indeed, he was able to prove, that the foe was well supplied with ammunition, which must have been obtained by the sale of property stolen in marauding expeditions to the north. Stored among the rocks was a plentiful supply of powder and caps, in sacks, tin cans, and boxes, all quite new, showing recent purchases. The guns found were of the American half-stocked pattern, indicating whence they had been obtained, and no breech-loading guns were found, though some had been previously captured by these Indians. The expedition under Perry, which proceeded north, CAMPAIGNS AND DEPREDATIONS. 545 failed to find any enemy. Lieutenant Small, how ever, with fifty-one men from Fort Klamath and ten Klamath scouts, was more successful, killing twenty-three and capturing fourteen in the vicinity of Silver and Abert lakes, between the 2d and 22d of September. Among the killed were two chiefs who had signed the treaty of 1864, and an influential medicine-man. Panina having also been killed by citizens while on a foray on the Caņon City and Boise road in April, as will be remembered, there remained but few of the chiefs of renown alive.[101] For about two months of the summer of 1867, while Captain Wildy of the 6th cavalry was stationed on Willow Creek in Mormon Basin, to intercept the passage north of raiding parties, the people along the road between John Day and Snake rivers enjoyed an unaccustomed immunity from depredations. But early in September Wildy was ordered to Fort Crook, in California, and other troops withdrawn from the north to strengthen the district of the lakes. Knowing what would be the effect of this change, the inhabitants of Baker county petitioned Governor Woods for a permanent military post in their midst, but petitioned in vain, because the governor was not able to persuade the general government to listen favorably, nor to dictate to the commander of the department of the Columbia what disposition to make of his forces. Wildy's company had hardly time to reach Fort Crook when the dreaded visitations began.[102] About the last 546 THE SHOSHONE WAR. of October General Steele ordered a cavalry company to guard the roads and do picket duty in the Burnt River district. But depredations were not confined to the Oregon side of Snake River. They were quite as frequent in Boise and Owyhee districts, where there was no lack of military camps. So frequent were the raids upon the stock-ranges[103] that the farmers declared they must give up their improvements and quit the country unless they were stopped. At length they organized a force in the lower Boise Valley. Armed with guns furnished by Fort Boise, and aided by a squad of soldiers from that post, they scouted the surrounding country thoroughly, retaking some stock and killing two Indians.[104] But while they recovered some of their property, the stage station at the mouth of the Payette River was robbed of all its horses.[105] And this was the oft-repeated experience of civil and military parties. Blood as well as spoils marked the course of the invaders.[106] Stages, and even the Snake River STEELE RETIRES. 547 steamer Shoshone, were attacked. Letters and news papers were found in Indian camps clotted with human gore. The people, sick of such horrors, cried loudly for relief. But at this juncture, when their services were most needed, the Indian allies were mustered out, although General Steele, in making his report, fully acknowledged their value to the service, saying they had done most of the fighting in the late expeditions, and proved efficient guides and spies.[107] On the 23d of November Steele relinquished the command of the department of the Columbia,[108] which 548 THE SHOSHONE WAR. was assumed by General L. H. Rosseau, who, however, made no essential changes in the department. Arrangements were continued in each district for a winter campaign of great activity.[109] The military journals contain frequent entries of skirmishes, with a few Indians killed, and more taken prisoners; with acknowledgments of some losses to the army in each. Crook, whose district was in the most elevated portion of the country traversed, kept some portion of the troops continually in the field, marching from ten to twenty miles a day over unbroken fields of snow from one to two feet in depth. In February he was on Dunder and Blitzen Creek,[110] south of Malheur Lake, where he fought the Indians, killing and capturing fourteen. While returning to Warner, a few nights later, the savages crept up to his camp, and killed twenty-three horses and mules by shooting arrows into them and cutting their throats. Crook proceeded toward camp Warner, but sent back a detachment to discover whether any had returned to feast on the horse-flesh. Only two were found so engaged, who were killed. Another battle was fought with the Indians, in the neighborhood of Steen Mountain, on the 14th of April, when several were killed. The troops at Camp Harney made a reconnoissance of the Malheur country in May, which resulted in surprising ten lodges on the north fork of that river near Castle Hock, or as it was sometimes called, Malheur Castle, and capturing a number of the enemy, among whom was a notorious sub-chief known as E. E. Gantt, who professed a great desire to live thereafter in peace, and offered to send couriers to bring in his warriors and the head chief, Wewawewa, who, he declared, was as weary of conflict as himself.[111] On HALLECK'S ORDERS. 549 this promise he was released, his family, and in all about sixty prisoners, with their property, and the stock plundered from the settlers remaining in the hands of the troops. A messenger was sent to intercept General Crook, who, having been temporarily assigned to the command of the department of the Columbia, was on his way to the north. The Indians had sustained some reverses in Idaho, among which was the killing of thirty-four who had attacked the Boise stage in May, killing the driver and wounding several other persons. Many prisoners had also been taken during the winter, and some had voluntarily surrendered. Rosseau had issued an order in February that all the Indians taken in the district of Owyhee should be sent under guard to Vancouver, and those taken in the district of the lakes should be sent to Eugene City, via Fort Klamath, to be delivered to the superintendent of Indian affairs. Those at Boise took advantage of a severe storm, when the guards were less vigilant than usual, to recover their freedom; but as they only escaped to find themselves given up by their chiefs, it was a matter of less consequence. According to an order of Halleck's, no treaty could be made with the Indians by the officers in his division without consulting him, and it became necessary for Crook to wait for instructions from San Francisco. He repaired in the mean time to Camp Harney, where 550 THE SHOSHONE WAR. the principal chiefs of the hostile bands were assembled, and where a council was held on the 30th of June. " Do you see any fewer soldiers than two years ago?" asked he. "No; more." "Have you as many warriors?" "No; not half as many." "Very well; that is as I mean to have it until you are all gone."[112] The chiefs knew this was no empty threat, and were terrified. They sued earnestly for peace, and Crook made his own terms. He did not offer to place them on a reservation, where they would be fed while they idled and plotted mischief. He simply told them he would acknowledge Wewawewa as their chief, who should be responsible for their good conduct. They might return free into their own country, and establish their headquarters near Castle Rock on the Malheur, and so long as they behaved themselves honestly and properly they would not be molested. These terms were eagerly accepted, and the property of their victims still in their possession was delivered up.[113] Crook had no faith in reservations, yet he felt that to leave the Indians at liberty was courting a danger from the enmity of white men who had personal wrongs to avenge which might provoke a renewal of hostilities. To guard against this, he caused the terms of the treaty to be extensively published, and appealed to the reason and good judgment of the people, reminding them what it had cost to conquer the peace which he hoped they might now enjoy.[114] With regard to the loss of life by fighting Indians in Oregon and Idaho up to this time, it is a matter of surprise that it was so small. The losses by murderous attacks out of battle were far greater. From the first settlement of Oregon to June 1868, the whole number of persons TREATY OF PEACE. 551 known to be killed and wounded by Indians was 1,394. Of these only about 90 were killed or wounded in battle. The proportion of killed to wounded was 1,130 to 264, showing how certain was the savage aim. A mighty incubus seemed lifted off the state when peace was declared. General Crook, now in command of the department, was invited to Salem at the sitting of the legislative assembly to receive the thanks of that body.[115] The treaty which had been made was with the Malheur and Warner Lake Shoshones only. There were still some straggling bands of Idaho Shoshones who were not brought in until August; and the troops still scouting on the southern border of Oregon continued for some time to find camps of Pah Utes, and also of the Pit River Indians, with whom a council was subsequently held in Round Valley, California. Early in July between seventy and eighty of Winnemucca's people with three subchiefs were captured, and surrendered at Camp C. F. Smith, " where," said Crook in one of his reports, "there seems to be a disposition to feed them, contrary to instructions from these headquarters." The Indians had submitted to force, but it was a tedious task, subjecting them to the Indian department, which had to be done. Crook had said to them, "You are free as air so long as you keep the peace; " but the Indian superintendent said, "You signed a treaty in 1865 which congress has since ratified, and you must go where you then agreed to go, or forfeit the benefits of the treaty; and we have, besides, the power to use the military against you if you do not." This argument was the last resorted to. The tone of the Indian department was conciliatory; sometimes too much so for the comprehension of savages. They never conceded anything unless forced to do so, and how should they know that the white race practised 552 THE SHOSHONE WAR. such magnanimity? Crook cautioned his subordinates on this point, telling them to disabuse the minds of the Indians of the notion that the government was favored by their abstinence from war. Superintendent Huntington, who had talked with Wewawewa about the settlement of his people, was told that the Malheur Indians would consent to go upon the Siletz reservation in western Oregon, but that those about Camp Warner would not, and nothing was done toward removing them in 1868. Meantime Huntington died, and A. B. Meacham was appointed in his place. A small part of the Wolpape and Warner Lake Shoshones consented to go upon the east side of Klamath reservation; but in 1869 most of these Indians were at large, and sufficiently unfriendly to alarm the white inhabitants of that part of the state. And now the bad effects of the late policy began to appear. When the Shoshones were first conquered they would have gone wherever Crook said they must go. But being so long free, they refused to be placed on any reservation. Other tribes, imitating their example, were restless and dissatisfied, even threatening, and affairs assumed so serious an aspect that Crook requested the commander of the division to withdraw no more troops from Oregon, as he felt assured any attempt to forcibly remove the Indians a measure daily becoming more necessary to the security of the settlements would precipitate another Indian war, and that the presence of the military was at that time necessary to restrain many roving bands from committing depredations.[116] About the 20th of October Superintendent Meacham, assisted by the commanding officer at Camp Harney, held a council with the Indians under We- LATER TROUBLES. 553 wawewa, which ended by their declining to go upon the Klamath reservation as requested, because Crook, who could have persuaded them to it, declined to do so,[117] for the reason that he believed that Meacham had promised more than he would be able to perform. Early in November Meacham held a council with the Indians assembled at Camp Warner under Otsehoe, a chief who controlled several of the lately hostile bands, and persuaded this chief to go with his followers upon the Klamath reserve. But the war department gave neither encouragement nor material assistance, although Otsehoe and other Indians about Warner Lake were known to Crook to be amongst the worst of their race, and dangerous to leave at large.[118] True to his restless nature, Otsehoe left the reservation in the spring of 1870, where his people had been fed through the winter. They deserted in detachments, Otsehoe remaining to the last; and when the commissary required the chief to bring them back, he replied that Major Otis desired them to remain at Camp Warner, a statement which was true, at least in part, as Otis himself admitted.[119] Otsehoe, however, finally consented to make his home at Camp Yainax, so far as to stay on the reser- 554 THE SHOSHONE WAR. vation during the winter season, but roving abroad in the summer through the region about Warner and Goose lakes. In March 1871, by executive order, a reservation containing 2,275 square miles was set apart, on the north fork of the Malheur River, for the use of the Shoshones. In the autumn of 1873 a portion of them were induced to go upon it, most of whom absented themselves on the return of summer. Gradually, however, and with many drawbacks, the Indian department obtained control of these nomadic peoples, who were brought under those restraints which are the first step toward civilization.[120] With the settlement of the Shoshones upon a reservation, the title of the Indians of Oregon to lands within the boundaries of the state was extinguished. The Grand Rond reservation in the Willamette Valley was afterward purchased of the Indians and thrown open to settlement. The Malheur reservation was abandoned, the Indians being removed to Washington.[121] Propositions have been made to the tribes on the Umatilla reservation to sell their lands, some of the best in the state, but so far with no success, these Indians being strongly opposed to removal. Ten years after the close of the Shoshone war, claim was laid by a chief of the Nez Perces to a valley in north-eastern Oregon, the narrative of which I shall embody in the history of Idaho. Thus swiftly and mercilessly European civilization clears the forests of America of their lords aboriginal, of the people placed there by the almighty for some purpose of his own, swiftly and mercilessly clearing them, whether done by catholic, protestant, or infidel, by Spaniard, Englishman, or Russian, or whether done in the name of Christ, Joe Smith, or the devil.
[1] Clarice and Wright's Campaign, 85; Or. Laws, 1858-9, app. iii. ; Or. Statesman, Feb. 8, 1859. [2] Besides the companies stationed to guard the Indian reservations in Oregon in 1857, there were 3 companies of the 9th inf. at The Dalles, one of the 4th inf. at Vancouver, one of the 3d art. at the Cascades, 3 of the 9th inf. at Fort Simcoe in the Yakima country, and at Fort Walla Walla 2 companies of inf., one of dragoons, and one of art. U. S. II. Ex. Doc. 2, vol. ii. pt ii. 78, 35th cong. 1st sess. In the autumn of 1858 three companies of art. from S. F., one from Fort Umpqua, now attached to the department of Cal., and an inf. co. from Fort Jones were sent into the Indian country east of the Cascade Mountains. Kip's Army Life, 16-18; Sac. Union, Aug. 23, 1858. [3] This steamer was owned by R. R. Thompson and L. Coe, and was named the Colonel Wright. Harney mentions in a letter to the adjutant-general dated April 25, 1859, that a steamboat line had been established between The Dalles and Walla Walla, and that in June when the water of the Columbia and Snake rivers should be high, the steamer should run to the mouth of the Tucannon, on the latter river. U. S. Mess, and Docs., 1859-60, 90, 36th cong. 1st sess.; S. F. Bulletin, April 28, May 13 and 30, and Sept. 13, 1859. It is worthy of remark that the first steamer to ascend the Missouri to Fort Benton made her initial trip this year. This was the Chippewa. fd., Sept. 17, 1859; Or. Argus, Sept. 3, 1859. [4] I use the term Snake in its popular sense and for convenience. The several bands of this tribe, the Bannacks, and the wandering Pah Utes were all classed as Snakes by the people who reported their acts, and as it is impossible for me to separate them, the reader will understand that by Snakes is meant in general the predatory bands from the region of the Snake and Owyhee rivers. [5] Harney was much interested in laying out military roads, and in his reports to the general-in-chief called the attention of the war department to the necessity for such roads in this portion of the United States territory. Among other roads proposed was one through the south pass to the head of Salmon River, down that stream to the Snake River, and thence to Fort Walla Walla, which was never opened owing to the roughness of the country. F. W. Lander made an improvement in the road from the south pass to the parting of the Oregon and California routes which enabled most of the immigration to arrive at the Columbia several weeks earlier than usual. The new route was called the Fort Kearney, South Pass, and Honey Lake wagon road, and appears to have been partially opened in 1858, or across the Wachita mountains. Appended to Lander's report is a long list of names of persons en route for California and Oregon who passed over it in 1858 and 1859. A party left Fairbault, Minnesota, in July 1858, and travelled by the Saskatchewan route, wintering in the mountains with the snow in many places twenty feet deep. They experienced great hardships, but arrived at The Dalles May 1, 1859, in good health. Their names were J. L. Houck, J. W. Jones, J. E. Smith, E. Hind, William Amesbury, J. Emehiser, J. Schaeffer, J. Palmer, J. R. Sandford. Olympia Herald, May 27, 1859. [6] Wallen crossed the Des Chutes at the mouth of Warm Spring River, proceeded thence to the head of Crooked River, 160 miles, finding a good natural road with grass and water. He detached Lieutenant Bonnycastle with part of his command to explore the country east of the route followed by himself, who travelled no farther than Harney Lake Valley, to which he probably gave this name in honor of the commanding general, from which point he turned north to the head waters of John Day River and followed it down, and back to The Dalles, on about the present line of the road to Canyon City. Harney reported that Bonnycastle brought a train of 17 ox- wagons from Harney Valley to The Dalles in 12 days without accident. U. S. Mess. and Docs, 1859-00, 113; U. S. Sen. Doc., 34, ix. 51, 36th cong. 1st sess. [7] Though Wallen met with no hostile savages in his march to Camp Floyd, he found no less than three commands in the field from that post pursuing Indians who had attacked the immigration on the California road. He mentions the names of a few persons killed in 1859, S. F. Shephard, W. F. Shephard, W. C. Riggs, and C. Rains. Olympia Herald, Sept. 16, 1859. E. C. Hall and Mr and Mrs Wright are mentioned as having been attacked. Hall was killed and the others wounded. [8] Ind. Aff. Supt., 1859, 389. Indemnity was claimed for the losses of private persons and the Indians. [9] Horace Greeley estimated that 30,000 people and 100,000 cattle were en route to California. This estimate was not too large, and instead of all going to California about one third went to Oregon, many of them settling in Walla Walla Valley -- at least 800. About 20 families settled in the Yakima Valley, 30 families on the Clickitat, and others in every direction. Some settled in the Grande Ronde and south of the Columbia, but not so many as in the following years. Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, Sept. 30, 1859; Or. Argus, Oct. 15, 1859. [10] Dalles Journal, in Or. Argus, Sept. 24, 1859; Portland Oregonian, Oct. 15, 1859. [11] See letter in Olympia P. S. Herald, Sept. 16, 1859. Colonel Wright sent forward from Fort Walla Walla to meet the later trains which were destitute of provisions 250 sacks of flour, 50 barrels of pork, and other necessaries. Or. Statesman, Sept. 6, 1859. [12] Rept. of Captain Smith, in U. S. Sen. Doc., i. 119, 36th cong. 2d sess.; Sac. Union, July 20, 1860; S. F. Alta, July 13, 1860. [13] In the reports of military and Indian departments there is found a mutual concealment of facts, no mention being made by Steen of the presence of the head of the Indian department of Oregon and Washington at his camp, in his communication to his superiors; nor did Geary in his report confess that he had been disdainfully treated by the few savages to whom he had an opportunity of offering the friendship of the United States government, as well as by the army. To his interpreter they replied that powder and ball were the only gifts that they desired or would accept from white men. Ind. Aff. Rept, 1860, 174-5; Dalles Mountaineer, in Or. Statesman, July 10, 1860; Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, July 20, 1860. [14] U. S. Sen. Doc. 1, vol. ii. 131, 36th cong. 2d sess.; Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, Sept. 14, 1860. [15] Ind. Aff. Rept., 1860, 176; 1861, 156; Puget Sound Herald, Oct. 26, 1860. [16] U. S. Sen. Doc. 1, vol. ii. p. 136, 1860-61, 36th cong. 2d sess. [17] Report of Colonel Wright, in U. S. Sen. Doc. 1, vol. ii. p. 141, 1860-1, 36th cong. 2d sess. [18] These men were named Snyder, Murdoch, Chambourg, and Chaffey. Snyder and Chaffey escaped and reported the other two as killed. Account of Joseph Myers, in Olympia Standard, Nov. 30, 1860; see also Sac. Union, Oct. 10, 1860. [19] These are all the names mentioned by Myers in his account of the sojourn on the Owyhee; but there are other names given by the Reith brothers who first arrived at Umatilla. These were William Auttly, a soldier from Fort Hall; A. Markerman, wife and five children; an old man named Civilian G. Munson; and Charles Kesner, a soldier from Fort Hall. U. S. Sen. Doc. 1, vol. ii. 143, 1860-61, 36th cong. 2d sess. Munson was among the rescued; all the others must have been killed in flight. Myers of course could not see all that was transpiring in the moment of greatest emergency. [20] Eagle-from-the-Light, a Nez Perce, had just returned from the Snake country, and there came with him four Snake Indians, who informed Agent Cain that they knew of four children, members of that unfortunate party, that were yet alive. Arrangements were made with them by which they agree to bring them in, and accordingly have left their squaws, and returned to their country for that purpose. Letter from Walla Walla, in Or. Argus, Dec. 22, 1860. The Indians who went after the children, one of whom was a girl of thirteen, returned on account of snow in the mountains. They were heard of within 150 miles of the Flathead agency, and were sent for by Mr. Owen, agent at that place, but were never found. [21] Washington Standard, Nov. 30, 1860; Or. Statesman, Nov. 20, 1860; Portland Advertiser, Nov. 7, 1860; Hay's Scraps, v. 191; Or. Argus, Nov. 24, 1860; Olympia Pioneer and Democrat, Oct. 19, 1860; Ind. Aff. Rept, 1861, 155; U. S. H. Ex. Doc. 46, vol. viii., 36th cong. 2d sess. ; Cong. Globe, 1860-61, part ii. p. 1324-5; Or. Jour. Senate, 1860, 63; Special Message of Gov. Whiteaker, in Or. Statesman, Oct. 15, 1860; S. F. Bulletin, Nov. 14 and 23, 1860. [22] Or. Statesman, Oct. 15, 1860. [23] The beneficial results of the military post at Walla Walla, erected by order of General Wool in 1857, had been great. Where but recently the bones of our countrymen were bleaching on the ground, now all is quiet and our citizens are living in peace, cultivating the soil, and this year have harvested thousands of bushels of grain, vegetables are produced in abundance, mills have been erected, a village has sprung up, shops and stores have been opened, and civilization has accomplished wonderful results by the wise policy of the government. Memorial to Cong., Or. Laws, 1860, ap. 2. [24] The committee that prepared this memorial evidently was under the impression that Steen had completed a reconnoissance of the middle route, which was not the case, his time being chiefly spent, as Wright expressed it, in pursuing an invisible foe. Steen's report was published by congress. See Cong. Globe, 1800-1, part ii., 1457. [25] In the summer of 1858 G. H. Abbott, Indian agent, went into the Indian country, afterward known to military men as the Lake District, with a view to make treaties with the Snakes, Bannocks, Klamaths, and Modocs, the only tribes capable of making war, who had neither been conquered nor treated with, and selected a place for an agency north of the Klamath Lakes, and about 75 miles from Jacksonville in a north-easterly direction. On his return his party discovered the remains of five men, prospectors, who had been murdered, as it was believed, by Klamaths, on the head waters of Butte creek, the middle fork of Rogue River. They were Eli Tedford, whose body was burned, Robert Probst, James Crow, S. F. Conger, and James Brown. Ind. Aff. Rept, 1859, 891-2. A company of volunteers at once went in search of the murderers, three of whom, chiefly by the assistance of the agent, were apprehended, and whom the Klamaths voluntarily killed to prevent trouble; that tribe being now desirous of standing well with the U. S. government. Five other renegades from the conquered tribes of the Rogue River mountains were not captured. In June 1859 a prospecting party from Lane county was attacked on the head waters of the Malheur River, and two of the men wounded. They escaped with a loss of 7,000 or $8,000 worth of property. Sac. Union, July 7, 1860. Of the emigrants of 1859 who took the southern route into the Klamath Lake valley, one small train was so completely cut off that their fate might never have been discovered but for the information furnished by a Klamath Indian, who related the affair to Abbott. The men and women were all killed at the moment of attack, and the children, reserved for slavery, were removed with their plunder to the island in Tule Lake, long famous as the refuge of the murderous Modocs. A few days later, seeing other emigrant trains passing, the Indians became apprehensive and killed their captives. Abbott made every effort to learn something more definite, but without success. By some of the Modocs it was denied; by others the crime was charged upon the Pit River Indians, and the actual criminals were never brought to light. In the summer of 1858, also, that worthy Oregon pioneer, Felix Scott, and seven others had been cut off by the Modocs, and a large amount of property captured or destroyed. Drew made a report on the Modocs, in Ind. Aff. Rept, 1863. 59, where he enumerates 112 victims of their hostility since 1852, and estimates the amount of property taken at not less than $300,000. [26] As early as July 1850 two expeditions set out to explore for gold on the Spokane and Yakima rivers, S. F. Pac. News, July 24 and, Oct. 10, 1850; but it was not found in quantities sufficient to cause any excitement. M. De \Saint- Amant, an envoy of the French government, travelling in Oregon in 1851, remarked, page 305 of his book, that without doubt gold existed in the Yakima country, and added that the Indians daily found nuggets of the precious metal. He gave the same account of the Spokane country, but I doubt if his knowledge was gained from any more reliable source than rumor. There were similar reports of the Pend d'Oreille country in 1852. Zabriskie's Land Law, 823. In 1853 Captain George B. McClellan, then connected with the Pacific railroad survey, found traces of gold at the head-waters of the Yakima River. Stevens Narr., in Pac. R. R. Rept, xii. 140. In 1854 some mining was done on that river and also on the Wenatchie. Or. Statesman, June 20, 1854; S. F. Alta, June 13, 1854; and prospecting was begun on Burnt River in the autumn of the same year. Ebey's Journal, MS., ii. 39, 50, and also in the vicinity of The Dalles. S. F. Alta, Sept. 30, 1854. In 1855 there were discoveries near Colville, the rush to which place was interrupted by the Indian war. In 1857-8 followed the discoveries in British Columbia, and the Frazer River excitement. [27] In August 1857 James McBride, George L. Woods, Perry McCullock, Henry Moore, and three others, Or. Argus, Aug. 8, 1857, left The Dalles, intending to go to the Malheur, but were driven back by the Snake Indians, and fleeing westward, crossed the Cascade Mountains near the triple peaks of the Three Sisters, emerging into the Willamette Valley in a famishing condition. Victor's Trail-making in Oregon, in Overland Monthly. In August 1858 McBride organized a second expedition, consisting of 26 men, who after a month's search returned disappointed. Or. Argus, Sept. 18, 1858. Other attempts followed, but the exact locality of the lost diggings was never fixed. [28] This party was led by Henry Martin, who organized another company the following year. [29] There were three companies exploring in eastern Oregon in 1861; the one from Marion county is the one above referred to, seven men remaining after the departure of the principal part of the expedition. It appears that J. L. Adams was the actual discoverer of the John Day diggings, and one Marshall of the Powder River mines. The other companies were from Clackamas and Lane, and each embraced about 60 men. The Lane company prospected the Malheur unsuccessfully. In Owen's Directory the discovery of the John Day mines is incorrectly attributed to Californians. Portland Advertiser, in Olympia Herald, Nov. 7, 1861; Portland Oregonian, Nov. 7, 1861; Sac. Union, Nov. 16, 1861; N. Y. Engineering and Mining Journal, in Portland D. Herald, March 22, 1871; Cal. Farmer, Feb. 27, 1863. Previous to the announcement of the discoveries by the Oregon prospectors, E. D. Pierce returned to Walla Walla from an expedition of eight weeks in extent, performed with a party of 20 through the country on the west side of Snake River, taking in the Malheur, Burnt, Powder, and Grande Ronde rivers. He reported finding an extensive gold-field on these streams, with room for thousands of miners, who could make from three to fifteen dollars a day each. Pierce brought specimens of silver-bearing rocks to be assayed. About forty persons in Oct. had taken claims in the Grande Rondo Valley, prepared to winter there. Portland Oregonian, Aug. 27, 1861; Or. Statesman, Oct. 21, 1861; S. F. Bulletin, Oct. 24, 1861; Sac. Union, Nov. 4 and 16, 1861. [30] There were only about 700 men and 19 commissioned officers left in the whole of Oregon and Washington in 1861. The garrisons left were 111 men under Captain H. M. Black at Vancouver; 116 men under Maj. Lugenbeel at Colville; 127 men under Maj. Steen at Walla Walla; 41 men under Capt. Van Voast at Cascades; 43 men under Capt. F. T. Dent at Hoskins; 110 men at the two posts of Steilacoom and Camp Picket; and 54 men under Lieut-colonel Buchanan at The Dalles. U. S. Sen. Doc., 1, vol. ii. 32, 37th cong. 2d sess. Even the revenue cutter Jo Lane belonging to Astoria was ordered to New York. Or. Argus, June 29, 1861. [31] See letter in Or. Statesman, July 1, 1861. [32] Or. Argus, June 15, 1861; Cong. Globe, 1860-1, pt ii. 1213, 36th cong. 2d sess. ; Id., 1324-5; Id., app. 362. [33] On the Barlow route to The Dalles the Tyghe Indians from the Warm Spring reservation murdered several travellers in the month of July. Among the killed were Jarvis Briggs, and his son aged 28 years, residents of Linn county, and pioneers of Oregon, from Terre Haute, Indiana. Or. Statesman, Aug. 26, 1861. The murderers of these two were apprehended and hanged. The Pit River Indians and Modocs killed Joseph Bailey, member elect to the Oregon legislature, in August, while driving a herd of 800 cattle to the Nevada mines. Bailey was a large and athletic man, and fought desperately for his life, killing several Indians after he had been wounded. Samuel Evans and John Sims were also killed, the remainder of the party escaping. Or. Statesman, Aug. 19, 1861. [34] Ind. Aff. Rept, 1863, 59; Portland Oregonian, Aug. 27, 1861; O. C. Applegate's Modoc Hist., MS., 17. Present at this ambush were some of the Modocs celebrated afterward in the war of 1872-3; namely, Sconchiu, Scarface, Black Jim, and others. [35] Or. Statesman, June 17 and Oct. 21, 1861; Or. Jour. House, 1862, app. 22-4. [36] He was a native of Vt, graduated from West Point in 1822, and was promoted to the rank of 2d lieut. in the 3d inf. in July, and to the lank of 1st lieut. in Sept. of the same year. He served in the west, principally at Jefferson Barracks, Mo., and in Indian campaigns on the frontier, until 1831, when he was transferred to La, with the 3d inf., occupying the position of adj. to that reg. until 1836, when he was promoted to a captaincy in the 8th inf. He served through the Florida war, and under the command of Gen. Taylor, fought at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma in Mexico, after which he was transferred to Scott's command. He received three brevets for gallant services before being promoted to the rank of maj., one in the Florida war, one after the battles of Contreras and Churubusco, Mexico, and the last, that of col, after the battle of Molino del Rey. Wright came to the Pacific coast with the 5th inf. in 1852, holding the rank of maj., and was promoted to a colonelcy Feb. 3, 1855, and the following month was appointed to command the reg. of 9th inf., for which provision had just been made by congress. He went east, raised his regiment, and returned in Jan. 1856, when he was ordered to Or. and Wash. He remained in that military district, as we have seen, until the summer of 1861. In Sept. he was ordered to S. F., and soon after relieved Gen. Sumner in the command of the department of the Pacific, being appointed brig. -gen. on the 28th Sept. He remained in command till 1865, when, being transferred to the reestablished Oregon department, he took passage on the ill-fated Brother Jonathan, which foundered near Crescent City July 9, 1865, when Wright, his wife, the captain of the ship, De Wolf, and 300 passengers were drowned. North Pacific Review, i. 216-17. [37] S. F. Alta, Nov. 3 and 14, 1861; Sac. Union, Nov. 16 and 25, 1861. The officers at Walla Walla were Capt. W. T. McGruder, 1st dragoons, lieuts. Reno and Wheeler, and surgeon Thomas A. McParlin. Capts. A. Rowell and West, of the 4th Cal. reg., were stationed at The Dalles. Or. Statesman, Aug. 11 and Dec. 2, 1861. [38] Says J. A. Waymire: It was thought as soon as we should become disciplined, if the war should continue, we would be taken east, should there be no war on this coast. For my own part, I should have gone to the army of the Missouri but for this understanding. Historical Correspondence, MS. Camps were established in Jackson, Marion, and Clackamas counties. The first company, A, was raised in Jackson county, Capt. T. S. Harris. The second, B, in Marion, Capt. E. J. Harding. Company C was raised at Vancouver by Capt. William Kelly. D company was raised in Jackson county by Capt. S. Truax; company E by Capt. George B. Curry, in Wasco county; and company F, of the southern battalion, by Capt. William J. Matthews, principally in Josephine county. Captains D. F. Thompson, of Oregon City, and Remick Cowles, of Umpqua county, also raised companies, or parts of companies. Brown's Autobiography, MS., 47; Letter of Lieut Waymire, in Historical, Correspondence, MS.; Rhinehart's Oregon Cavalry, MS., 1-2. [39] A circular was issued from the land office at Washington confining grants of land to persons loyal to the United States, and to such only; and requiring all surveyors and preemptors to take the oath of allegiance. Or. Argus, March 8, 1862; Or. Statesman, March 3, 1862. [40] The Albany Democrat was excluded from the mails; also the Southern Oregon Gazette, the Eugene Democratic Register, and next the Albany Inquirer, followed by the Portland Advertiser, published by S. J. McCormick, and the Corvallis Union, conducted by Patrick J. Malone. W. G. T'Vault started a secession journal at Jacksonville in November 1862, called the Oregon Intelligencer. The Albany Democrat resumed publication by permission, under the charge of James O'Meara in the early part of February 1863. In May O'Meara revived the Eugene Register, under the name of Democratic Review. The Democratic State Journal at The Dalles was sold in 1863 to W. W. Bancroft, and changed to a union paper, in Idaho. Union journals were started about this time; among them The State Republican, at Eugene City, was first published by Shaw & Davis on the materials of the People's Press, in January 1862, edited by J. M. Gale, and the Union Crusader at the same place, by A. C. Edmonds, in October, changed in a month to The Herald of Reform. The first daily published in Oregon was the Portland News, April 18, 1859; S. A. English & Co. The Portland Daily Times was first issued Dec. 19, 1860, and the Portland Dally Oregonian, Feb. 4, 1861. The first newspaper east of The Dalles was the Mountain Sentinel, a weekly journal started at La Grande in October 1864, by E. S. McComas. In the spring of 1865 the Tri- Weekly Advertiser was started at Umatilla on the materials of the Portland Times, and the following year a democratic journal, the Columbia Press, by J. C. Dow and T. W. Avery. Neither continued long. Other ephemeral publications appeared at Salem, Portland, and elsewhere. In 1865 Oregon had well established 9 weekly and 3 daily journals. [41] Colonel Justin Steinberger was of Pierce county, Washington Territory. He raised 4 companies of his regiment in California, and arrived with them at Vancouver on the 4th of May, relieving Colonel Cady of the command of the district. In July Brigadier-general Alvord arrived at Vancouver to take command of the district of Oregon, and Steinberger repaired to Walla Walla. Olympia Herald, Jan. 28, March 20, April 17, 1862; Olympia Standard, Aug. 9, 1862; Or. Statesman, June 30, 1862. [42] The immigration of 1862 has been placed by some writers as high as 30,000, and probably reached 26,000. Of these 10,000 went to Oregon, 8,000 to Utah, 8,000 to California. Olympia Standard, Oct. 11 and 25, 1862. The greater portion of the so-called Oregon immigration settled in the mining region east of the Snake River and in the valleys of Grande Ronde, Powder River, John Day, and Walla Walla. [43] The fate of many small parties must forever remain unknown. [44] Or. Argus, July 27, 1863, contains a good description of this country, by J. T. Apperson, lieutenant. [45] The immigration of 1863 was escorted, as that of the previous year had been, by a volunteer company under Captain Medorum Crawford, who went east to organize it, congress having appropriated $30,000 to meet the expense; $10,000 of which was for the protection of emigrants by the Fort Benton and Mullan wagon-road route. See Cong. Globe, 1862-3, part ii. app. 182, 37th cong. 3d sess.; letter of J. R. McBride, in Or. Argus, May 16, 1863. The immigration was much less than in the previous year, only about 400 wagons. Among them was a large train bound for the town of Aurora, founded by Dr Keil in Marion county several years before, upon the community system. Deady's Hist. Or., MS., 78. [46] The reports of the expedition and the published maps do not agree. The latter place the Goose Creek Mountains to the south-east. Captain Curry, however, travelled south-west toward a chain of mountains nearly parallel with the range mentioned, which on the map is not distinguished by a name, in which the Bruneau and Owyhee rivers take their rise. [47] Curry says: With the exception of two camps made near the summit of Goose Creek Mountains, the remainder were made in fissures in the earth so deep that neither the pole star nor the 7-pointers could be seen. The whole of Curry s report of this expedition is interesting and well written. See Rept of Adjutant Gen. of Or., 1866, 28. [48] Waymire, in Historical Correspondence, MS.; S. F. Evening Post, Oct. 28, 1882. [49] Joaquin Miller, author subsequently of several poetical works, stories, and plays. He had but lately been editor of the Democratic Register of Eugene City, which was suppressed by order of Col. Wright for promulgating disloyal sentiments. [50] This road was from Lassen Meadows on the Humboldt, via Starr City, and Queen River. It was 180 miles from the Meadows to this ferry, and 65 thence to Boonville in Idaho. Portland Oregonian, June 25, 1864. [51] The report of this exploration is interesting. A peculiar feature of the scenery was the frequent mirage over dried-up lakes. While on this smooth surface, he says, speaking of one on the east of Steen Mountain, the mirage made our little party play an amusing pantomime. Some appeared to be high in the air, others sliding to the right and left like weavers shuttles. Some of them appeared spun out to an enormous length, and the next group spindled up: thus a changeable, movable tableau was produced, representing everything contortions and capricious reflections could do. Report of Captain Curry, in Rept Adjt Gen. Or., 1866, 37-8. [52] This statement should be qualified. Waymire discovered the valley, and Curry explored it. [53] M. M. Jordan, the discoverer of Jordan Creek mines, was killed. [54] In the absence of medicines, Surgeon Cochrane s supply being exhausted, and himself one of the sufferers, an infusion of the root of the wild geranium, found in that country, proved effective. [55] Report of Captain Curry, in Rept Adjt Gen. Or., 1866, 46. [56] Drew's report was published in 1865, in the Jacksonville Sentinel, from January 28 to March 11, 1865, and also in a pamphlet of 32 pages, printed at Jacksonville. It is chiefly a topographical reconnoissance, and as such is instructive and interesting, but contains few incidents of a military character in relation to the Indians; in fact, these appear to have been purposely left out. But taking the explorations of Drew, which were made at some distance north of the southern immigrant road, in connection with those of Drake and Curry, it will be seen that a great amount of valuable work of a character usually performed by expensive government exploring expeditions was performed by the 1st Oregon cavalry in this and the following year. See Drew's Owyhee Reconnoissance, 1-32. [57] This occurred June 23d near Silver Lake, 85 miles north of Fort Klamath. The train consisted of 7 wagons and 15 men, several of whom were accompanied by their families. The Indians took 7 of their oxen and 3,500 pounds of flour. John Richardson was leader of the company. Three men were wounded. [58] So named from a dance being held there to celebrate the meeting of friends from California and the States. In the midst of their merriment they were attacked, and war s alarms quickly interrupted their festivities. Drew's Reconnaissance, 9. [59] Drew says this and not the valley beyond it should have been called Warner Valley, the party under Capt. Lyons, which searched for Warner's remains, finding his bones in Surprise Valley, a few miles south of the immigrant road. Id., 10. [60] Drew made a reconnoissance of this butte, which he declared for military purposes to be unequalled, and as such it was held by the Snake Indians. A summit on a general level, with an area of more than 100 square miles, diversified with miniature mountains, grassy valleys, lakes and streams of pure water, groves of aspen, willow, and mountain mahogany, and gardens of service-berries, made it a complete haven of refuge, where its possessors could repel any foe. The approach from the valley was exceedingly abrupt, being in many places a solid wall. On its north side it rose directly from the waters of Warner Lake, which rendered it unassailable from that direction. Its easiest approach was from the south, by a series of benches; but an examination of the country at its base discovered the fact that the approach used by the Indians was on the north. [61] Panina afterward accurately described the order of march, and the order of encamping, picketing, and guarding, with all the details of an advance through an enemy s country, showing that nothing escaped his observation, and that what was worth copying he could easily learn. [62] Hay's Scraps, iii. 121-2. [63] The treaty was made between Huntington of Oregon, A. E. Wiley, sup. of Cal., by his deputy, agent Logan of Warm Spring reservation, and the Klamaths, Modocs, and Yahooskin band of Snakes. The military present were a detachment of Washington infantry under Lieut. Halloran, W. C. McKay with 5 Indian scouts, Captain Kelly and Lieutenant Underwood with a detachment of company C. The Indians on the ground numbered 1,070, of whom 700 were Klamaths, over 300 Modocs, and 20 Snakes, but more than 1,500 were represented. Huntington estimated that there were not more than 2,000 Indians in the country treated for, though Drew and E. Steele of California made a much higher estimate. Ind. Aff. Rept, 1865, 102. Special Agent Lindsey Applegate and McKay acted as counsellors and interpreters for the Indians. There was no difficulty in making a treaty with the Klamaths. The Modocs and Snakes were more reluctant, but signed the treaty, which they perfectly understood. It ceded all right to a tract of country extending from the 44th parallel on the north to the ridge which divides the Pit and McLeod rivers on the south, and from the Cascade Mountains on the west to the Goose Lake Mountains on the east. There was reserved a tract beginning on the eastern shore of Upper Klamath Lake at Point of Rocks, twelve miles below Williamson River, thence following up the eastern shore to the mouth of Wood River to a point one mile north of the bridge at Fort Klamath ; thence due east to the ridge which divides Klamath marsh from Upper Klamath Lake; thence along said ridge to a point due east of the north end of Klamath marsh; thence due east, passing the north end of Klamath marsh to the summit of the mountain, the extremity of which forms the Point of Rocks, and along said ridge to the place of beginning. This tract contained, besides much country that was considered unfit for settlement, the Klamath marsh, which afforded a great food supply in roots and seeds, a large extent of fine grazing land, with enough arable land to make farms for all the Indians, and access to the fishery on Williamson River and the great or Upper Klamath Lake. The Klamath reservation, as did every Indian reservation, if that on the Oregon coast was excepted, contained some of the choicest country and most agreeable scenery in the state. White persons, except government officers and employes, were by the terms of the treaty forbidden to reside upon the reservation, while the Indians were equally bound to live upon it; the right of way for public roads only being pledged. The U. S. agreed to pay $8,000 per annum for five years, beginning when the treaty should be ratified; $5,000 for the next five years, and $3,000 for the following five years; these sums to be expended, under the direction of the president, for the benefit of the Indians. The U. S. further agreed to pay $35,000 for such articles as should be furnished to the Indians at the time of signing the treaty, and for their subsistence, clothing, and teams to begin farming for the first year. As soon as practicable after the ratification of the treaty, mills, shops, and a school-house were to be built. For fifteen years a superintendent of farming, a farmer, blacksmith, wagon-maker, sawyer, and carpenter were to be furnished, and two teachers for twenty- two years. The U. S. might cause the land to be surveyed in allotments, which might be secured to the families of the holders. The annuities of the tribe could not be taken for the debts of individuals. The U. S. might at any future time locate other Indians on the reservation, the parties to the treaty to lose no rights thereby. On the part of the Indians, they pledged themselves not to drink intoxicating liquors on pain of forfeiting their annuities; and to obey the laws of the U. S. ; the treaty to be binding when ratified. The first settler in the Klamath country was George Nourse, who took up in August 1863 the land where Linkville stands. He was notary public and registrar of the Linkton land district. Jacksonville Sentinel, March 8, 1873. [64] A treaty was made with Panina in the following year, but badly observed by him, as the history of the Snake wars will show. [65] Or. Laws, 1866, 98-110. [66] Id., 104-8; Rhinehart's Oregon Cavalry, MS., 15. [67] A. J. Borland, Grant county; E. Palmer, Yamhill; Charles Lafollet, Polk; J. M. Gale, Clatsop; W. J. Shipley, Benton; W. S. Powell, Multnomah; C. P. Crandall, Marion; F. O. McCown, Clackamas; T. Humphreys, Jackson, were commissioned 2d lieutenants. [68] Polk county raised $1,200 extra bounty rather than fail, and completed her enlistment, first of all. Josephine county raised $2,500, and Clackamas offered similar inducements. Portland Oregonian, Nov. 30, 1864, Feb. 14, 1855. [69] The following were the lieutenants in the regiment: William J. Shipley, Cyrus H. Walker, Thomas H. Reynolds, Samuel F. Kerns, John B. Dimick, Darius B. Randall, William M. Rand, William Grant, Harrison B. Oatman, Byron Barlow, William R. Dunbar, John W. Cullen, Charles B. Roland, Charles H. Hill, Joseph M. Gale, James A. Balch, Peter P. Gates, Daniel W. Applegate, Charles N. Chapman, Albert Applegate, Richard Fox (vice Balch). Report Adjt Gen. Or., 1866, pp. 217-221. [70] Fort Stevens was constructed of solid earthworks, just inside the entrance, and was made one of the strongest and best armed fortifications on the Pacific coast. It was a nonagon in shape, and surrounded by a ditch thirty feet in width, which was again surrounded by earthworks, protecting the walls of the fort and the earthworks supporting the ordnance. Or. Argus, June 5 and 29, 1863; Ibid., Aug. 18, 1863; Victor's Or., 40-1; Surgeon Gen. Circ., 8, 484-7. [71] On Cape Disappointment was a light-house of the first class, rising from the highest point. Extending along the crest of the cape on the river side were three powerful batteries mounted on solid walls of earth. Under the shelter of the cape, around the shore of Baker Bay, were the garrison buildings and officers quarters. It was and is at present one of the prettiest places on the Columbia, though rather inaccessible in stormy weather. Surgeon Gen. Circular, 8, 461; Victor s Or., 36-8; Overland Monthly, viii. 73-4; Steel's Rifle Regt, MS., 5; Portland Oregonian, April 4, 1864, Oct. 19, 1865; S. F. Bulletin, Nov. 25, 1864; Or. Pioneer Hist. Soc., 7-8. [72] Lieut Walker here referred to is a son of Rev. Elkanah Walker, a missionary of 1835. [73] Boise City Statesman, July 13 and 18, 1865. Hobart was afterward a captain in the regular army. Albany States Rights- Democrat, July 2, 1875. [74] Report of Lt. Williams in Rept Adjt Gen. Or. 1866, 82-98. L. L. Williams was one of the Port Orford party which suffered so severely in 1851. [75] James Alderson of Jacksonville, a good man, who was on guard, was killed in this raid. Portland Oregonian, Dec. 4, 1865. [76] Dalles Mountaineer, April 20, 1866. [77] A man named Clark was shot, near the mouth of the Owyhee, while encamped with other wagoners, in Nov. ; 34 horses were stolen from near Boise ferry on Snake River in Dec. ; and the pack-mules at Camp Alvord were stolen. Captain Sprague recovered these latter. Feb. 13th the rancho of Andrew Hall, 15 miles from Ruby City, was attacked, Hall killed, 50 head of horses driven off, and the premises set on fire. Boise Statesman, Feb. 17, 1866; Id., March 4, 1866. Ada County raised a company of volunteers to pursue these Indians, but they were not overtaken. Ind. Aff. Rept, 1866, 187-8; Austin Reese River Reveille, March 13, 1866. [78] A detachment of the Oregon cavalry accompanied Marshall on this expedition, and blamed him severely for inhumanity. A man named Phillips, an Oregonian, was lassoed and drawn up the cliff in which the Indians were lodged, to be tortured and mutilated. Lieut. Silas Pepoon of the Oregon cavalry wished to go to his rescue, but was forbidden. He also left 4 men on the opposite bank of the river, who were cut off by the swamping of the raft. The volunteer commanders would never have abandoned their men without an effort for their rescue. See U. S. Mess, and Docs, 1866-7, 501, 39th cong. 2d sess. [79] During the night of the 4th of May sixty animals were stolen from packers on Reynolds Creek, eight miles from Ruby City. None of the trains were recovered. The loss and damage was estimated at $10,000. Dalles Mountaineer, May 18, 1866. About the 25th of May, Beard and Miller, teamsters from Chico, on their way to the Idaho mines, lost 421 cattle out of a herd of 460, driven off by the Indians. About the 20th of June, twenty horses were stolen from War Eagle Mountain, above Ruby City. On the 12th of June, C. C. Gassett was murdered on his farm near Ruby City, and 100 head of stock driven off. Early in July, James Perry, of Michigan, was murdered by the Indians, his arms and legs chopped off, and his body pinned to the ground, along with a man named Green, treated in the same manner. [80] Travellers over the road reported over 100 unburied bodies of Chinamen. The number killed has been variously reported at from 50 to 150. One boy escaped of the whole train. He represented his countrymen as protesting, Me bellee good Chinaman ! Me no fightee ! But the scalps of the Chinamen seemed specially inviting to the savages. Butler's Life and Times, MS., 11-12. Their remains were afterward gathered and buried in one grave. Starr's Idaho, MS., 2; U. S. Sec. Int. Rept, 1867-8, 97, 40th cong. 2d sess.; Owyhee Index, May 26, 1866; Owyhee News, June 1866. [81] Thomas B. Cason, killed; Aaron Winters and Charles Webster wounded. Cason had built up around him a stone fortification, from which he shot in the 2 days 15 Indians, and was shot at last in his little fortress. Sec. Int. Rept, 1867-8, iii., 40th cong. 2d sess., pt 2, 97; Boise Statesman, July 7 and 10, 1866: Sac. Union, July 28, 1868. [82] 11 Boise Statesman, July 20, 1866. Marshall designed erecting a permanent post on the Bruneau, and had expended several thousand dollars, when orders came from headquarters to suspend operations. A one-company camp was permitted to remain during the year. [83] Yreka Union, Oct. 20, 1866; Hayes Scraps, v., Indians, 228. [84] In May the Indians drove off a herd of horses from the Warm Spring reservation, and murdered a settler on John Day River named John Witner. In June they attacked a settler on Snake River, near the Weiser, and on the main travelled road, driving off the pack-animals of a train encamped there. In August they robbed a farm on Burnt River of $300 worth of property, while the men were mowing grass a mile away; stole 54 mules and 18 beef- cattle from Camp Watson; and attacked the house of N. J. Clark, on the road, which they burned, with his stables, 50 tons of hay, and 1,000 bushels of grain, and stole all his farm stock, the family barely escaping with their lives. Eight miles from Clark's they took a team belonging to Frank Thompson. About the same time they murdered Samuel Leonard, a miner at Mormon Basin. A little later they surprised a mining camp near Caņon City, killing Matthew Wilson, and severely wounding David Graham. No aid could be obtained from Camp Watson, the troops being absent in pursuit of the government property taken from that post. In Sept. they took horses from a place on Clark Creek, from Burnt River, and the ferry at the mouth of Powder River. They pursued and fired on the expressman from Mormon Basin; and attacked the stage between The Dalles and Caņon City, when there were but two persons on board, Wheeler, one of the proprietors, and H. C. Paige, express agent. Wheeler was shot in the face, but showed great nerve, mounting one of the horses with the assistance of Paige, who cut them loose and mounted one himself. The men defended themselves and escaped, leaving the mail and express matter in the hands of the Indians, who poured the gold-dust out on the ground, most of it being afterward recovered. The money, horses, and other property were carried off. In October eleven horses were stolen from a party of prospectors on Rock Creek, Snake River. In Nov. the Indians again visited Field s farm, and stole three beef-cattle. They were pursued by the troops, who surprised and killed several of them, destroying their camp, and capturing a few horses. On the 20th a party of hunters, encamped on Caņon Creek, a few miles from Caņon City, were attacked, and J. Kester killed. The Indians came within one mile of Caņon City, and prepared to attack a house, but being discovered, fled. Early in December they stole a pack-train from near the Caņon City road. They were pursued by a detachment of twenty men from Baker s command, under Sergeant Conner, and the train recovered, with a loss to the Indians of fourteen men killed and five women captured. Sec. Int. Rept, 1867-8, pt 2, 95-100; Dalles Mountaineer, Dec. 14, 1866. [85] Alta California, Aug. 22, 1866; Mess, and Docs, Abridg. 1866-7, 501. [86] See Woods' Rec., MS.; also U. S. Mess, and Docs, 1866-7, 503-4, 39th cong. 2d sess; Or. Jour. Senate, 1866, 51-5; Portland Oregonian, July 14, 1866. [87] In Sept. the Owyhee stage was attacked and two men shot. In Nov. the Indians fired on loaded teams entering Owyhee mines from Snake River by the main road, and killed a man named McCoy, besides wounding one Adams. They fired on the Owyhee ferry, and on a detachment of cavalry, both attacks being made in the night, and neither resulting in anything more serious than killing a horse, and driving off fourteen head of cattle. During the autumn a party of 68 Idaho miners were prospecting on the upper waters of Snake River. A detachment of eleven men were absent from the main party looking for gold, when one of the eleven separated himself from them, to look for the trail of others. On returning, he saw that the detachment had been attacked, and hastened to report to the main company, who, on reaching the place, found all ten men murdered. Their names, so far as known, were Bruce Smith, Edward Riley, David Conklin, William Strong, and George Ackleson. This party were afterward attacked in Montana by the Sioux, when Col. Rice and William Smith were killed, and several wounded. See account in Portland Oregonian, Nov. 28, 1866. On the 8th of Nov. the Owyhee stage was attacked within four miles of Snake River crossing, a passenger named Wilcox killed, another, named Harrington, wounded in the hip, and the driver, Waltermire, wounded in the side. The driver ran his team two miles, pursued by the Indians, who kept firing on the stage, answered by passengers who had arms. The wheel-horses being at last shot, the party were forced to run for their lives, and escaped. On returning with assistance, Wilcox was found scalped and mutilated. The mail-bags were cut open and contents scattered. In Dec. twenty savages attacked the Cow Creek farm in Jordan Valley, and taking possession of the stable, riddled the house with bullets and arrows. Having frightened away the inmates, they drove off all the cattle on the place. They were pursued, and the cattle recovered. U. S. Sec. Int. Rept, 99-100, vol. iii., 4th cong. 2d sess. Dalles Mountaineer, Dec. 7, 1866; Owyhee Avalanche, Nov. 17, 1866; Idaho World, Nov. 24. 1866. On the 30th of Oct. the Indians raided Surprise Camp, a military station, carrying off grain, tents, tools, etc. Major Walker, promoted from captain, pursued them, when they divided their force, sending off their plunder with some, while a dozen of them charged the soldiers. Four Indians were killed and the rest escaped. Boise Statesman, Nov. 8, 1866. [88] Jacksonville Reporter, Nov. 3, 1866; Dalles Mountaineer, Dec. 7, 1866. [89] Cong. Globe, 1865-6, pt v. ap. 402. [90] In Oct. Lieut. Patton, of Capt Hunt's company, with 10 men, had a skirmish on Dunder and Blitzen Creek, which runs into Malheur Lake from the south, killing 6 out of 75 Indians, with a loss of 1 man, and 4 horses wounded. Boise Statesman, Oct. 27, 1866. Capt. O. Beirne also had a fight on the Owyhee in Nov., in which he killed 14 and captured 10, losing one man wounded and a citizen, S. C. Thompson, killed. Id. Nov. 17, 1866; Owyhee Avalanche, Nov. 10, 1866. Baker's command, in Nov. and Dec., killed about 60 Indians. Dalles Mountaineer, Dec. 14, 1866; Sec. War Rept, i. 481-2, 40th cong. 2d sess. [91] Lieuts. McKay and Darragh, in giving a personal account of their expedition, relate that their command killed fourteen women and children, which was done in accordance with written and verbal instructions from headquarters of the military district, and much against the wishes of the Indian scouts, who remonstrated against it, on the ground that the Snakes, in their next inroad, would murder their wives and children. U. S. Sec. Int. Rept, 1867-8, vol. iii., pt ii., 101, 40th cong. 2d sess. Woods apology was that the women of the Snake tribe were the most brutal of murderers, and had assisted in the fiendish tortures of Mrs. and Miss Ward, and other immigrant women, for which they deserved to suffer equally with the men. [92] See Recollections of G. L. Woods, a manuscript dictation containing many terse and vivid pictures of the modern actors in our history; also Overland Monthly, vol. ii., p. 162, 1869. The following is a complete roster of the officers in the department of the Columbia in the autumn of 1866: Department staff: Frederick Steele, major-gen., commanding department. George Macomber, 2d lieut. 14th inf., A. A. insp.-gen., Insp.-gen. Henry C. Hodges, capt.. A. Q. M., bvt. lieut-col. U. S. A., chief Q. M. Sam. A. Foster, capt., C. S., bvt major U. S. A., C. C. S., Act. A. A. G. P. G. S. Ten Broek, surgeon U. S. A., bvt lieut-col, medical director. George Williams, brevet capt. U. S. A., aide-de-camp. Richard P. Strong, 1st lieut 7th inf., aide-de-camp. Stations and commands: Fort Colville, Capt. John S. Wharton, co. G, 14th inf. Fort Lapwai, Lt J. H. Gallagher, 14th inf., co. E, 8th cav. Fort Walla Walla, Lt Oscar I. Converse, co. D, 8th cav. Fort Stevens, Capt. Leroy L. James, co. C, 2d art. Cape Hancock, Capt. John I. Rogers, co. L, 2d art. Fort Steilacoom, Capt. Chas H. Peirce, co. E, 2d art. San Juan Island, Capt. Thomas Grey, co. I, 2d art. Fort Vancouver, Col G. A. H . Blake, 1st U. S. cav. , field, staff, and band; Bvt lieut-col Albert O. Vincent, co. F, 2d art. ; Capt. William Kelly, co. C, 8th cavalry. Vancouver Arsenal, Bvt capt. L. S. Babbitt, det. ordnance corps. Camp Watson, Bvt. lieut-col Eugene M. Baker, co. I, 1st cav. ; Lieut Amandus C. Kistler, co. F, 14th inf. Camp Logan, Lieut Charles B. Western, 14th inf., co. F, 8th cav. Fort Klamath, Capt. F. B. Sprague, co. I, 1st Or. inf. volunteers. Boise District: Fort Boise", Bvt maj.-gen. George Crook, 23d inf.; Bvt col James B. Sinclair, co. H, 14th inf. Camp Three Forks, I. T., Bvt lieut-col John J. Coppinger, cos A and F, 14th inf. Camp C. F. Smith, Capt. J. H. Walker, co. C, 14th inf. Camp Warner, Capt. P. Collins, cos B and D, 14th inf.; Bvt major Edward Myers, co. H, 1st cavalry. Camp Lyon, I. T., Capt. James C. Hunt, co. M, 1st cav. Off. Arm. Regis., 1866, 67; Portland Oregonian, Dec. 22, 1866. Capt. David Perry superseded Marshall at Fort Boise in the interim before Crook s arrival; and Major Rheinhart, 1st Or. inf., was in command at Fort Klamath during the summer of 1866. [93] U. S. Int. Rept, 1867-8. vol. iii. 188, 40th cong. 2d sess; Owyhee Avalanche, Jan. 5, 1867. [94] For example, it takes a brave and somewhat chivalrous savage to rob a stage. On March 25th, as the Boise and Owyhee stage was coming down the ravine toward Snake River from Reynolds Creek, it was attacked by eight ambushed Indians. The driver, William Younger, was mortally wounded. James Ullman, a California pioneer, a Boise pioneer, a merchant of Idaho, in attempting to escape, was overtaken and killed. The mail and contents of the coach were destroyed or taken. The same band killed Bouchet, a citizen of Owyhee. A few days previously they had raided a farm, and driven off 23 cattle from Reynolds Creek. On the 25th of April, 8 Shoshones raided the farm of Clano and Cosper, on the Caņon City road, and secured 25 cattle and 2 horses. They were pursued by J. N. Clark, whose house and barn they had destroyed in Sept., who, with Howard Maupin and William Ragan, attacked them as they were feasting on an ox, killing 4 and recovering the stock. One of the Indians killed by Clark was the chief Panina. In the same mouth Fraser and Stack were killed near their homes on Jordan Creek. In May they attacked C. Shea, a herder on Sinker Creek, and were repelled and pursued by 8 white men, who, however, barely escaped with their lives. Two men, McKnight and Polk, being in pursuit of Shoshones, were wounded, McKnight mortally. The savages burned a house and barn near Inskip's farm, Owyhee, and drove off the stock, which the troops finally recovered. They killed three men in Mormon Basin. On every road, in any direction, they made their raids, firing on citizens and stealing stock. U. S. Sec. Int. Rept, 1867-8, iii. 101-3, 40th cong. 2d sess. [95] See Owyhee Avalanche, in Oregonian, Aug. 24, 1867. The troops did not fire a shot. Boise Statesman, in Shasta Courier, Aug. 31, 1867. [96] The winter of 1866-7 was very severe in the Warner Lake region, which has an altitude of nearly 5,000 feet. One soldier, a sergeant, got lost, and perished in the snow. The entire company at Camp Warner were compelled to walk around a small circle in the snow for several nights, not daring to lie down or sleep lest they should freeze to death. Owyhee Avalanche, April 6, 1867; Portland Oregonian, Aug. 24, 1867. [97] Gen. Orders Dept Columbia, Nov. 26, 1867. [98] A few months later Boise was incorporated in the district of Owyhee. [99] The general talked to the men like a father; told them at the word Forward ! they should rise up quick, go with a yell, and keep yelling, and never think of stopping until they had crossed the ditch, scaled the wall, and broken through the breastworks, and the faster the better. J. Wassen, in Oregonian, Nov. 12, 1867. [100] There is a discrepancy between the military report, which makes the number of killed five, and Wassen's, which makes it eight; but I have followed the latter, because his account gives the circumstances and names. The list is as follows: Killed: Lieut John Madigan, born in Jersey City, N. J.; sergeants Charles Barchet, born in Germany, formerly of 7th Vt volunteers, Michael Meara, born in Galway, Ireland, 18 years in U. S. A., and Sergeant Russler; privates James Lyons, born in Peace Dale, R. I.; Willoughby Sawyer, born in Canada West; Carl Bross, born in Germany, lived in Newark, N. J.; James Carey, from New Orleans. Wounded: corporals McCann, Fogarty, Firman; privates Clancy, Fisher, Kingston, McGuire, Embler, Barbes, Shea, Enser; and Lawrence Traynor, civilian. The remains of Lieut Madigan were taken one day's march from the battle-field, and buried on the north bank of Pit River, about twenty miles below the junction of the south branch. The privates were buried in the valley of the south branch, half a mile north of the forts. The wounded were conveyed on mule litters to New Camp Warner. Corr. S. F. Bulletin, in Portland Herald, Dec. 10, 1867; J. Wassen, in Oregonian, Nov. 12, 1867; Hayes Indian Scraps, v. 141 ; General Order Dept Columbia, no. 32, 1867. [101] Oregonian, Nov. 4 and 12, 1867; Jacksonville Sentinel, Sept. 28, 1867; Yreka Union, Oct. 5, 1867; S. F. Alta, Sept. 28, 1867. [102] The first attack was made Sept. 28th upon J. B. Scott, who with his wife and children was driving along the road between Rye Valley and their home on Burnt River. Scott was killed almost instantly, receiving two fatal wounds at once. The wife, though severely wounded, seized the reins as they fell from the hands of her dead husband, and urging the horses to a run, escaped with her children, but died the following day. This attack was followed by others in quick succession. Oregonian, Oct. 4, 7, 9, 1867; Umatilla Columbia Press, Oct. 5, 1867. On the morning of the 3d of October a small band of Indians plundered the house of a Mr. Howe, a few miles east of Camp Logan, and a detachment of seven men of company F, 8th cavalry, was sent under Lieut. Pike to pursue them. Pike may have been a valuable officer, but he was not experienced in Indian-fighting. He was eagerly pushing forward after the guides, who had discovered the camp of the thieves, when he imprudently gave a shout, which sent the savages flying, leaving a rifle, which in their haste was forgotten. Pike very foolishly seized it by the muzzle and struck it on a rock to destroy it, when it exploded, wounding him fatally, which accident arrested the expedition; and a second, under Lieut Kauffman, failed to overtake the marauders. Oregonian, Nov. 4, 1867; Gen. Order Headquarters Dept Columbia, no. 32. [103] On the night of Oct. 3d, within half a mile of Owyhee City, Joseph F. Colwell, a highly respected citizen, was killed, scalped, and burned. On the following night a raid was made on the cattle in Jordan Valley, within 3 miles of Silver City. Four separate incursions were made into Boise Valley during the autumn. Owyhee Avalanche, Oct. 5, 1867; Boise Statesman, Oct. 22, Dec. 17, 1867; Boise Democrat, Dec. 21, 1876. [104] A farmer who belonged to the volunteer company of Boise Valley stated that one of the Indians killed was branded with a circle and the figures 1845, showing that 22 years before he had been thus punished for offences of a similar kind. [105] There was a chief known to his own people as Oulux, and to the settlers as Bigfoot, who led many of these raids. He was nearly 7 feet in height, and powerfully built, with a foot 14 3/4 inches in length. The track of this Indian could not be mistaken. He was in Crook's first battle in the spring, on the Owyhee, with another chief known as Littlefoot. Yreka Union, Feb. 9, and Nov. 11, 1867. Bigfoot was killed by an assassin, who lay in wait for him, and his murderer promised him to guard from the public the secret of his death, of which he was ashamed. [106] On the 21st of October, in the morning, occurred one of the most painful of the many harrowing incidents of the Shoshone war. Two sergeants, named Nichols and Denoille, left Camp Lyon in a four-horse ambulance to go to Fort Boise, Deuoille having with him his wife, who was in delicate health. Nine miles from camp, while passing through a rocky caņon, they were attacked by Indians in ambush, and Denoille, who was driving, was killed at the first fire. Nichols, not knowing that his comrade was hit, was giving his attention to the Indians, when Denoille fell out of the wagon dead, and the horses becoming frightened ran half a mile at the top of their speed, until one fell and arrested the flight of the others. Nichols now sprang out, followed by Mrs. Denoille, whom he urged to conceal herself before the Indians came up; but being bereft of her reason by the shock of the tragedy, she insisted on returning to find her husband; and Nichols, hiding among the rocks, escaped to Carson's farm that evening. When a rescuing party went out from Silver City after Denoille's body, which was stripped and mutilated, nothing could be learned of the fate of his wife. A scouting party was immediately organized at Camp Lyon. At the Owyhee River the troops came upon a camp, from which the inmates fled, leaving only two Indian women. These women declared that Mrs. Denoille had not been harmed, but was held for ransom. One of them being sent to inquire what ransom would be required, failed to return, when the troops re treated to camp to refit for a longer expedition. Col. Coppinger and Capt. Hunt immediately resumed the pursuit, but the Indians had escaped. About the middle of Dec. a scouting party attacked a camp of twenty savages, killing five and capturing six. Some of Mrs. Denoille's clothing was found on one of the captured women, who said that the white captive was taken south to Winnemucca to be held for a high ransom. It was not until in the summer of 1868 that the truth was ascertained, when to a scout named Hicks was pointed out the place of the woman's death, and her bleaching bones. She had been taken half a mile from the road where the attack was made, dragged by the neck to a convenient block of stone, her head laid upon it, and crushed with another stone. The Indian who described the scene, and his part in it, was riddled by the bullets of the company. Boise Statesman, Oct, 24, 26, and Dec. 17, 1867; Owyhee Avalanche, June 13, 1868. [107] Rept. Sec. War, 1867-8, i. 79; Oregonian, Dec. 23, 1867. [108] Steele was born in Delhi, N. Y., graduated at West Point in 1843, and received a commission as 2d lieut in the 2d reg. U. S. inf. He served under Scott in Mexico, and was brevetted 1st lieut, then captain, for gallant conduct at the battles of Contreras and Chapultepec; and was present at the taking of the city of Mexico. After the Mexican war he was stationed in Cal., on duty as adj. to Gen. Riley. At the outbreak of the rebellion he was ordered to Missouri, where he was soon promoted to the rank of major in the 11th U. S. inf. For gallant services at Wilson's Creek, he was made a brig. gen. of volunteers; and for subsequent services brevetted maj. gen. On leaving Oregon he was granted an extended leave of absence, from which he anticipated much pleasure, but died suddenly of apoplexy, in S. F. [109] See general order No. 5 district of Owyhee, in Oregonian, Nov. 1867. [110] So named by Curry s troops, who crossed it in a thunder-storm in 1864. Rept Adjt-Gen. Or., 1866, 41. [111] Gantt had reasons for his humility. He had been engaged in several raids during this spring, driving off the stock from Mormon basin between Burnt and Malheur rivers, and capturing two trains of wagons. At length the farmers organized a company, and in concert with the troops from Camp Colfax, inflicted severe chastisement on a portion of this band. Bigfoot, also, on the east side of Snake River, was captured by the farmers' company of the Payette and the troops from Boise fort, who happened to come upon his camp at the same time, surrounding it, when the Indians surrendered. Oregonian, June 24, 1868. Meanwhile, in the Owyhee district the usual murderous attacks had been going on. In May the Indians again shot and killed the driver of the stage, Robert Dixon, between Boise City and Silver City; and shot and wounded the passengers in another wagon. In March they had murdered a farmer named Jarvis, near Carson's farm. Owyhee Avalanche, March 21 , 1868. In June they stole stock and killed a young man named Jonas Belknap, in Mormon basin, who went to recover the horses, cutting his body to pieces, and sticking it full of pointed rods with slices of fat bacon on the ends. Boise Statesman, June 13, 1868. The party which went to find these Indians was attacked in a caņon, and Alex. Sullivan was killed. [112] See letter to Gov. Ballard of Idaho, in Oregonian, July 29, 1868; Overland Monthly, 1869, 162. [113] Among the relics returned were articles belonging to three deserting soldiers, whose fate was thus ascertained. [114] Mess. and Docs, 1868-9, 380-6; Hayes Indian Scraps, v. 142; Oregonian, July 13, 1868. [115] See Senate Joint Resolution, no. 6, in Or. House Jour., 1868, 85-6; Or. Laws, 1868, 99-100, 102-3; Or. Legis. Docs, 1868; Governor's Message, 4-5. [116] The facts here stated are taken from the military correspondence in the dept of the Columbia, copied by permission of General Jeff C. Davis, to whose courtesy I have been much indebted. For convenience, I shall hereafter refer to these letters as Military Correspondence, with appropriate date. The above expression of opinion was dated May 8, 1869. [117] I did not order them to go with Mr. Meacham, for the reason that I have their confidence that I will do or order only what is best and right, both for themselves and the government. Military Correspondence, Dec. 7, 1869. [118] Among these bands, says Gen. Crook, and those near Harney, are some as crafty and bad as any I have ever seen, and if they are retained in the vicinity of their old haunts, and the Indian department manages them as they have other tribes in most cases, they will have trouble with them. Military Correspondence, March 4, 1869. [119] I do not remember giving any Indians permission to stay here, but I have said that if they came I would not send them back, because they said they could live better here. I shall, however, advise the Indians to go over and see Mr. Meacham, in the hope that he will rectify any neglect or wrong that may have been done them. Otis to Ivan D. Applegate, in Military Correspondence, July 18, 1870. Applegate, in reply, says that the Indians were well fed and well treated during the winter, but that crickets had destroyed their growing grain, and Meacham s arrival had been delayed, owing to the tardiness of the Indian department in the east, besides which reasons, sufficient to discourage the unstable Indian mind, Archie McIntosh, one of the Boise Indian scouts, had been making mischief on the reservation, by representing that Otsehoe was wanted with his people at Camp Warner. [120] Ind. Aff. Rept, 1873, 320-4; H. Ex. Doc., 99, 43d cong. 2d sess.; Owyhee Avalanche, Oct. 11, 1873. [121] Winnemucca s people refused to remain at the Yakima agency, and made their exodus a few years ago to Nevada, whence they came.
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