APPENDIX.

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MASSACRE AT THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS - MURDER OF THE PARISHES AND POTTER - MURDER OF THE AIKEN PARTY - MURDER OF JONES AND HIS MOTHER - MURDER OF FORBES.

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HISTORY OF THE "DANITE" ORGANIZATION.

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FORT BRIDGER, UTAH,

December 4, 1857.

*           *           *           *           *           *           *

            On the tenth day of September last, George W. Hancock, a merchant in the town of Payson, came to the Indian settlements to look at some fat cattle that I proposed selling, and in the course of conversation, said that he had learned that the California emigrants on the southern route had got themselves into a very serious difficulty with the Piedes, who had given them to understand that they could not pass through their country, and on attempting to disregard this injunction, found themselves surrounded by the Indians, and compelled to seek shelter behind their wagons. He said he had learned these facts from an express man, who passed his house that morning with a message from the Indians to President Young, inquiring of him what they must do with the Americans. The express man had been allowed one hundred consecutive hours in which to perform the trip of nearly three hundred miles and return, which Mr. Hancock felt confident he would do. On the day following, one of the Utah Indians, who had been absent for some days gathering pine nuts, west of the Sevier lake, returned, and said that the Mormons had killed all the emigrants. He said he learned this news from a band of the Piedes, but could not tell when the fight occurred, or how many had been killed. One of the Utahs, named Spoods, came to the farm on the morning of the 14th, having traveled all night, and also confirmed the report of the difficulty between the emigrants and the Piedes, but stated that when his brother Ammon (chief, who lives in the Piede country,) went to Iron county to persuade the Piedes to leave the road, the bishop told him that he had no business with the Piedes, and had better leave ; whereupon an altercation arose between the bishop and the chief.

            Spoods thought that the Piedes had been set upon the emigrants by the Mormons.

            It soon began to be talked among the employees at the farm that all the emigrants on the southern road had been killed by the Piede Indians, and the re-

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port was confirmed by several other persons who visited the farm ; but the Indians insisted that Mormons, and not Indians, had killed the Americans.

            This affair had become so much the subject of conversation, that, on the 17th, I started an Indian boy, named Pete, who speaks the English language quite fluently, with instructions to proceed to Iron county on a secret route, and to learn from the Piedes if possible, and also from the Utahs, what the nature of the difficulty was, and who were the instigators of it. He returned on the 23d, and reported that he only went to Ammon's village, in Beaver county, where he met a large band of the Piedes, who had just returned from Iron county.

            They acknowledged having participated in the massacre of the emigrants, but said that the Mormons persuaded them into it. They said that about ten or eleven sleeps ago, John D. Lee came to this village, and told them that Americans were very bad people, and always made a rule to kill Indians whenever they had a chance. He said, also, that they had often killed the Mormons, who were friends to the Indians. He then prevailed on them to attack the emigrants, who were then passing through the country, (about one hundred in number,) and promised them that if they were not strong enough to whip them, the Mormons would help them. The Piedes made the attack, but were repulsed on three different occasions, when Lee and the bishop of Cedar City, with a number of Mormons, approached the camp of the emigrants, under pretext of trying to settle the difficulty, and with lying, seductive overtures, succeeded in inducing the emigrants to lay down their weapons of defense and admit them and their savage allies inside of their breastworks, when the work of destruction began, and, in the language of the unsophisticated boy, " they

cut all of their throats but a few that started to run off, and the Piedes shot them." He also stated that there were some fifteen or sixteen small children that were not killed, and were in charge of the bishop.

            Lee and the bishop took all the stock, [over a thousand head,] as also a large amount of money. The Mormon version of this affair is that the Piedes went to the emigrant camp and asked for meat, and they gave them beef with strychnine upon it, and that when Brigham learned this fact, he sent word back to them "to do with the Americans as they thought proper." But I have not yet been able to learn that the strychnine had killed any of the Indians, or even made them sick. A report also reached the Indian farm on Spanish Fork about the 15th of September, that the Snake Indians, under a chief named Little Soldier, had attacked an emigrant, named Squires, from Missouri, who was camped near Ogden, and driven off all his cattle, [over four hundred,] together with all the mules and horses belonging to him. But the Utahs made no hesitation in asserting that the Mormons took the stock themselves, and that they had learned all about it from some Gosh-Utes who live in Rush valley.

            In confirmation of the truth of this report of the Utahs, I learned a few days ago from Ben Simon, a Delaware Indian, who lives with the Snakes in Webber valley, that sometime in the early part of September, Dimick B. Huntington, [interpreter for Brigham Young,] and Bishop West, of Ogden, came to the Snake village, and told the Indians that Brigham wanted them to run off the emigrants' cattle, and if they would do so they might have them as their own. Simon says the Snake chiefs consulted him about the propriety of undertaking the theft, and he advised them to have nothing to do with the cattle, which course they concluded to adopt, but Huntington and West insisted on

31

their taking the stock ; whereupon the chiefs told them that they did not want  it, and if the Mormons wanted it let them go and get it themselves, and so the interview ended. Simon thinks that if any of the Indians had anything to do with it they were hired by the Mormons, and says that he knows that the Mormons got the stock.

            It may be objected by the incredulous that those charges are too vague and uncertain, and deficient in point of names and dates ; in answer to which I would say, that the commission of these crimes need no proof, there existence being generally admitted. The only questions to be determined are who instigated them? and whose testimony is deserving the most credit -- the Mormons or the Indians? And under existing circumstances I am free to say that I prefer yielding my credence to the more unsophisticated. I have frequently been told by the chiefs of the Utahs, that Brigham Young was trying to bribe them to join in rebellion against the United States by offering them guns, ammunition, and blankets, on condition that they would assist in opposing the advance of the United States troops into the Territory, and he has not only made these overtures by his agents, but has at sundry times made them in person. How far he may have succeeded in his plots of treason, at the expense of the government, may not as yet be fully known and understood, but one thing is certain, that the more powerful tribes of the Utahs and Snakes have so far resisted all the allurements that have been offered them and kept themselves untrammeled by this unholy alliance, and I am proud to say that they manifest no inclination whatever to participate in it.

*           *           *           *           *           *

FORT BRIDGER, July, 6, 1859.

            MAJOR : I have the honor to inform you that, in pursuance of instructions received from the adjutant general's office of this department, dated April 17, 1859, I left Camp Floyd, Utah Territory, on the 21st of April, 1859, to proceed to Santa Clara, in order to protect travellers on the road to California, and to inquire into certain depredations said to have been committed by the Indians in that vicinity.

            My command consisted of one company of dragoons and two companies of infantry.

            Nothing of interest occurred until my arrival at the Mountain Meadows, which are situated about one hundred and fifty miles south of Camp Floyd, and on the southern rim of the basin. Here I found human skulls, bones, and hair, scattered about, and scraps of clothing of men, women, and children. I saw one girl's dress, apparently that of a child ten or twelve years of age. These were the remains of a party of peaceful inhabitants of the United States, consisting of men, women, and children, and numbering about one hundred and fifty, who were removing with their effects from the State of Arkansas to the State of California. These emigrants were here met by the Mormons (assisted by such of the wretched Indians of the neighborhood as they could force or persuade to join,) and massacred, with the exception of such infant children that the Mormons thought too young to remember or tell of the affair. The Mormons had their faces painted so as to disguise themselves as Indians.

            The Mormons were led on by John D. Lee, then a high dignitary in the self- styled Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, and Isaac Haight, now a dignitary in the same.

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            This affair began by a surprise. The emigrants were encamped near a spring from which there is a ravine. Along this ravine the Mormons and Indians crept to the spring during the night. When the emigrants arose in the morning they were fired upon, and some twelve or fifteen of them killed. The emigrants then seized their arms and defended themselves so bravely that, after four days, the Mormons and Indians had not succeeded in exterminating them. This horrid affair was finished by an act of treachery. John D. Lee, having washed the paint from his face, came to the emigrants and told them that if they would surrender themselves, and give their property to the Indians, that the Mormons would conduct them safely back to Cedar City. The emigrants then surrendered, with their wives and children. They were taken about a mile and a half from the spring, where they, their wives and their children, (with the exception of some infants,) were ruthlessly killed.

            The infants were taken to Cedar City, where they were either sold or given away to such of the Mormons as desired them. It is a notorious fact that these infants never have been with the Indians. The property of the emigrants was taken to Cedar City, where it was put up at public auction and sold.

            These facts were derived from the children who did remember and could tell of the matter, from Indians, and from the Mormons themselves. This affair occurred in the month of September, in 1857.

            On leaving the Mountain Meadows, I proceeded on with my command to the river Santa Clara, where I arrived on the 8th of May, 1859. I sent for Jackson, the chief of the tribe, said to be most hostile to the Americans. He acknowledged that he had committed some outrages on the people of the United States. He made the most humble protestations of future good conduct, in which I put some reliance, if he is not encouraged to commit overt acts by the Mormons. These Indians are a miserable set of root-diggers, and nothing is to be apprehended from them but by the smallest and most careless party.

            The commanding general having concluded that the objects of the expedition were accomplished, I returned to Camp Floyd, Utah Territory, agreeably to his instructions.

            I am sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

R. P. CAMPBELL,

Capt. Second Dragoons, Comdg. Santa Clara Expedition.

Major F. J. PORTER,

            Assistant Adjutant General U. S. Army,

                        Camp Floyd, Utah Territory.

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CAMP AT MOUNTAIN MEADOWS,

Utah Territory, May 6, 1859.

            CAPTAIN : I have the honor to report, that this morning, accompanied by the detachment of men furnished by your orders, I proceeded to inter the remains of the men, women, and children of the Arkansas emigrant train, mas-

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sacred by the Mormons at the Mountain Meadows, Utah Territory, in the month of September, 1857.

            At the scene of the first attack, in the immediate vicinity of our present camp, marked by a small defensive trench made by the emigrants, a number of human skulls and bones, and hair, were found scattered about, bearing the appearance of never having been buried; also remnants of bedding and wearing apparel.

            On examining the trenches or excavations, which appear to have been within the corral, and within which it was supposed some written account of the massacre might have been concealed, some few human bones, human hair, and what seemed to be the feathers of bedding, only were discerned.

            Proceeding twenty-five hundred yards in a direction N. 15° W., I reached a ravine fifty yards distant from the road, bordered by a few bushes of scrub oak, in which I found portions of the skeletons of many bodies -- skulls, bones, and matted hair -- most of which, on examination, I concluded to be those of men. Three hundred and fifty yards further on, and in the same direction, another assembly of human remains were found, which, by all appearance, had been left to decay upon the surface. Skulls and bones, most of which I believed to be those of women, also of children, probably ranging from six to twelve years of age. Here, too, were found masses of women's hair, children's bonnets, such as are generally used upon the plains, and pieces of lace, muslin, calicoes, and other material, part of women's and children's apparel. I have buried thirteen skulls and many more scattered fragments.

            Some of the remains above referred to were found upon the surface of the ground, with a little earth partially covering them, and at the place where the men were massacred ; some lightly buried, but the majority were scattered about upon the plain. Many of the skulls bore marks of violence, being pierced with bullet holes, or shattered by heavy blows, or cleft with some sharp- edged instrument. The bones were bleached and worn by long exposure to the elements, and bore the impress of the teeth of wolves or other wild animals.

            The skulls found upon the ground near the spring, or position of first attack and adjoining our camp, were eight in number. These, with the other remains there found, were buried, under my supervision, at the base of the hill upon the hill-side of the valley.

            At the rate, 250 yards distant from the spring, the relative positions and general appearance of the remains seemed to indicate that the men were there taken by surprise and massacred. Some of the skulls showed that fire-arms had been discharged close to the head. I have buried eighteen skulls and parts of many more skeletons, found scattered over the space of a mile towards the lines, in which direction they were no doubt dragged by the wolves.

            No names were found upon any article of apparel, or any peculiarity in the remains, with the exception of one bone, the upper jaw, in which the teeth were very closely crowded, and which contained one front tooth more than is generally found.

            Under my direction, the above mentioned remains were all properly buried, the respective locality being marked with mounds of stone.

            I have the honor to be, captain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

CHARLES BREWER,

Assistant Surgeon United States Army.

Captain R. P. CAMPBELL,

            Second Dragoons, Commanding Paymaster's Escort.

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PROVO CITY, U. T., March 18, 1859.

            SIR : I left Salt Lake City last Sunday to visit the southern Indians, and to bring the seventeen children remaining from the massacre in September, 1857, to Salt Lake city, or adjacent to it.

*           *           *           *           *           *

            I am in possession of the facts of the murders in June and October, and have, within twenty days, received highly important and reliable information of the Mountain Meadow butchering affair. With the facts in my possession now, I may succeed in recovering some of the property. Facts in my possession warrant me in estimating that there was distributed, a few days after the massacre, among the leading church dignitaries, $30,000 worth of property. It is presumable they also had some money.

            I will make such inquiry about this extraordinary affair as contingent circumstances will admit. I know that the Indians are bad enough ; I am aware, also, that it is, and especially has been, exceedingly convenient to implicate the Indians in all such cases.

*           *           *           *           *           *

            I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. FORNEY,

Superintendent of Indian Affairs, U. T.

Hon. J. W. DENVER,

            Comm'r of Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C.

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SUPERINTENDENT'S OFFICE, UTAH,

Great Salt Lake City, August, 1859.

            SIR: It has been my intention, for some weeks past, to give you a more full statement than heretofore given of the Mountain Meadow tragedy, and of the children saved from it.

            A massacre of such unparalleled magnitude on American soil must necessarily excite much interest in the public mind. From information received from various sources during the last twelve months, I am enabled to give you a reliable account of the emigrant company in question, and the children remaining, and also some of the causes and circumstances of the inhuman massacre.

            The company was composed of about thirty families, and one hundred and thirty to one hundred and forty persons, and, I think, principally from Johnston county, Arkansas.

            I have deemed it a matter of material importance to make strict inquiry relative to the general behavior and conduct of the company towards the people of this Territory in their journey through it, and am justified in saying that they conducted themselves with propriety.

            It is generally conceded that the said company was abundantly supplied with traveling and extra horses, cattle, &c. They had about thirty good wagons, and about thirty mules and horses, and six hundred head of cattle, when passing through Provo City, Utah Territory. At Corn Creek, fifteen miles from Fillmore City, and one hundred and sixty five miles south of this city, the company camped several days. At this place, and within a few miles of the Indian farm, (commenced a few years ago for the Pah-vant tribe, and all living on it,) it is alleged that the said emigrant company treated the Indians most inhumanly ; such as poisoning a spring with arsenic, and impreg-

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nating dead cattle with strychnine. John D. Lee, living one hundred and fifty miles south of Fillmore, informed me that about twenty Indians and some cattle died from drinking of the poisoned water, and Indians from eating poisoned meat.

            Dr. Ray, of Fillmore City, assured me that one of his oxen died while the company was encamped in the neighborhood, and that his wife, while engaged in rendering the tallow of the dead ox, became suddenly ill, and that a boy who was assisting her died in a few days.

            I have not been apprised of any investigation at the time by the Indian officials who were then in the Territory, or of an official investigation by the proper authorities of Fillmore. It seems obvious that Dr. Ray's ox died about the time these unfortunate people were camped in the neighborhood. I cannot learn, however, of any difficulty the company had with the Pah-vant Indians while camped near them. The ox died unquestionably from eating a poisonous weed that grows in most of the valleys in this Territory, and it is by no means uncommon for cattle to get poisoned and die from the effects of this weed. One or two Indians died from eating of the dead ox, but I have not been apprised that this excited any of them against the emigrants. And after strict inquiry I cannot learn that even one Pah-vant Indian was present at the massacre. Those persons in Fillmore, and further South, who believe that a spring was poisoned with arsenic, and the meat of a dead ox with strychnine, by said company, may be honest in their belief, and attribute the cause of the massacre to the alleged poisoning. Why an emigrant company, and especially farmers, would carry with them so much deadly poison is incomprehensible. I regard the poisoning affair as entitled to no consideration. In my opinion, bad men, for a bad purpose, have magnified a natural circumstance for the perpetration of a crime that has no parallel in American history for atrocity.

            I hear nothing more of the emigrant company until their arrival in Mountain Meadow valley, about the 2d or 3d of September, 1857. This valley is seven miles in length east and west, and one to three wide -- a large spring at each end. In about the centre, and from north to southeast, is what is termed the "rim of the basin." East of this the waters go to the lakes of Utah Territory, and those west into the Pacific. The valley is well hemmed in by high hills or mountains ; is almost a continuous meadow, affording an abundance of pasture.

            At the spring in the east end is a house and corral, occupied in September, 1857, by Mr. Jacob Hamblin. It is due to Mr. Hamblin to say that he left home several weeks before the company arrived in the valley, and returned home several days after the massacre.

            David Tulis (was living with Mr. Hamblin) says,: " The company passed by the house on Friday, September 2d or 3d, towards evening ; that it was a large and respectable-looking company. One of the men rode up to where I was working, and asked if there was water ahead. I said, yes. The person who rode up behaved civilly. The company camped at the spring in the west end of the valley. I heard firing on Monday morning, and for four or five mornings afterwards; if there had been firing during the day, I could not have heard it on account of the wind."

            I then asked Mr. Tulis the following questions, and received answers, to wit:

            1. When you heard the firing first, what was your opinion of its cause?

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            Answer. I believed it was the Indians fighting the emigrant company camped at the spring at the other end of the valley.

            2. Why did you not notify the nearest settlement?

            Answer. I thought or expected that the people of the nearest settlement knew of the fight.

            3. Why did you suppose so ?

            Answer. Because I saw Indians riding back and forwards on the road.

            4. Was you afraid ?

            Answer. I was a little timid.

            5. How soon did you see white men ?

            Answer. Two or three days afterwards that is, after the massacre ; these persons looked like travellers. I think they went to bury the dead.

            6. Did you see many Indians during- the fight?

            Answer. During the fighting the Indians continued to run to and fro on the road.

            7. How many were in the train ?

            Answer. I suppose 70 to 100 ; there seemed to be a good many women and children.

            8. Did you hear any talk about the massacre ?

            Answer. Yes.

            9. What did you hear was the cause of the massacre ?

            Answer. I heard afterwards : because the emigrant party poisoned the spring or some cattle at Corn creek.

            10. What was your opinion of the cause?

            Answer. I thought there must have been some fuss with the Indians along the road somewhere. I heard that the emigrant party had poisoned a spring at Corn creek.

            11. What became of the property?

            Answer. The Indians drove all the cattle and horses away. I heard they burned the wagons where they were camped.

            12. What was done with the children immediately after the massacre?

            Answer. I heard the Indians took them to Cedar City. I also saw the Indians drive some cattle towards Cedar City.

            13. Did you ever see any of the property in the possession of whites ?

            Answer. No.

            14. Did you ever hear any one talk about the property ?

            Answer. No.

            15. Did you ever hear of any one escaping from the fight or massacre?

            Answer. I heard of one ; and he was afterwards killed at the Muddy or Los Vagos river.

            This is part of the statement of D. Tulis, made to me in presence of Wm. H. Rodgers, April 13 last, while on my trip to Santa Clara. He was travelling with us from Painter creek.

            I will give you a few extracts from the statements by Alfred, who is a civilized Shoshonee Indian, raised by Mr. Jacob Hamblin, and was then and is still living with him. Alfred says :

            " I saw the company passing our house about sundown. It was a large company. They camped at the spring in the other end of the valley. A day or two after passing our house, I heard firing when in bed ; it continued all day four days.

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            Question. "Why did you not go there ?

            Answer. I had not time. I was attending to the sheep. The time they were killed, I was about a mile from them. I saw some Indians killing them. They shot some with arrows and guns, and others were killed with clubs. I talked with some of the Indians (the day they were killed ;) they were mad, and I was afraid to talk much to them. Some of the Indians, during the four or five days firing, rode to and fro towards Painter Creek settlement, about ten miles east of the Mountain Meadow valley ; they were riding over the hills, and riding very fast.

            Question. Why did you not, during the four or five days firing, notify the people of Painter Creek and Cedar City of the fight ?

            Answer. I told Mr. Tulis and those at the house, when I came in from herding, about the Indians fighting the emigrants. Mr. Tulis told me to mind my business and attend to my herding. I saw the Indians killing the whites.

            Question. How did the emigrants get out of the corral ?

            Answer. They thought the Indians had all left, and then they started out, and were coming to our house, and when they were about a mile from the wagons, the Indians, who were hid behind oak brush and sage, fell on them. I went to the place the same day, and saw the dead lying about. Some were stript, and some were dressed. The Indians were mad, scolding and quarrelling. I saw the children going past our house. (Mr. Hamblin's.) All the children stopped at our house.

            Question. Who brought the children to Mr. Hamblin's house?

            Answer. Mr. David Tulis brought them all to our house in a wagon about dark, the same evening of the day of the massacre.

            Question. Was Mr. Jacob Hamblin at home when the company arrived in the valley and the day of the massacre ?

            Answer. He left home several weeks before the company arrived, and returned several days after the massacre.

            These persons lived at Mr. Hamblin's, and within three and a half miles of the spot where the killing was done ; yet neither were there, if one is to believe them.

            I conclude, from the most reliable information, that the company promiscuously camped near the spring, intending to remain some days to recruit the stock, preparatory to crossing the several deserts before reaching California. They had no apprehension of serious danger when they first readied the valley, and for several days afterwards, or from Friday until Monday morning. The company then corralled the wagons, and made a protective fort, by filling with earth the space under the wagons. I saw the evidences of this last April.

            In pursuance to arrangements, the first attack was made on the unfortunate company by Indians on Monday morning, and continued daily until Friday morning, September 0. The camp was surrounded continually, preventing any one from leaving the corral without hazarding life, during five or six days.

            It is impossible to comprehend the immense suffering. On the fatal morning two wagons approached the corral, and several whites effected a compromise, the emigrants giving up all their arms, with the assurance that the lives of all should be saved and conducted back in safety to Cedar City. The company started under the care and direction of white men; the wounded, old women, and children were taken in the two wagons. They proceeded about one and

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a half mile toward Cedar, when suddenly, and in obedience to a signal, the work of death commenced. The murderers were secreted in a few acres of oak brush and sage, the only thing of the kind I saw in the valley. My impression is that from one hundred and fifteen to one hundred and twenty were there murdered. Several escaped ; only three got out of the valley ; two of whom were soon overtaken and shot down. One adult got as far as the Muddy, and was returning with two persons from California ; but he was also overtaken and shot by Indians.

            From the evidence in my possession, I am justified in the declaration that this massacre was concocted by white men and consummated by whites and Indians. The names of many of the whites engaged in this terrible affair have already been given to the proper legal authorities.

            I will in due time take the necessary steps for the recovery of the property, which was sold and divided among certain parties.

            The seventeen little children, all that I can learn of, were taken after the massacre to Mr. Hamblin's House by John D. Lee, David Tulis, and others, in a wagon, either the same evening or the following morning. The children were sold out to different persons in Cedar City, Harmony, and Painter Creek. Bills are now in my possession from different individuals, asking payment from the Government. I cannot condescend to become the medium of even transmitting such claims to the department.

            Below is a list of the children recovered by me and brought to this city, fifteen of whom are now en route to Arkansas, and two detained to give evidence.

            John Calvin Sorel ; Lewis and Mary Sorel ; Ambrose Miram, and William Taggit ; Frances Horn; Angeline, Annie, and Sophronia or Mary Huff; Ephraim W. Huff; Charles and Annie Francher; Betsey and Jane Baker; Rebecca, Louisa, and Sarah Dunlap ; William (Welch) Baker.

            I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. FORNEY.

Supt, Indian Affairs, Utah Territory.

Hon. A. B. GREENWOOD,

            Com. of Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C.

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            John D. Lee, a Mormon president, has knowledge of the whereabouts of much of the property taken from these ill-fated emigrant, and, if I am not misinformed, in possession of a large quantity of it. Why not make him disgorge this ill-gotten plunder, and disclose the amount escheated to and sold out by the Mormon Church as its share of the blood of helpless victims ? When he enters into a league with hell and a covenant with death, he should not be allowed to make feasts and entertain government officials at his table as he did Dr. Jacob Forney, superintendent of Indian affairs, while the rest of his party refused, in his hearing and that of Lee, to share the hospitality of this notorious murderer -- THIS SCOURGE OF THE DESERT. This man Lee does not deny, but admits that he was present at the massacre, but pretends that he was there to prevent bloodshed ; but positive evidence implicates him as the leader of the murderers too deeply for denial. The children point him out as one of them that did the bloody work. He and other white men had these children, and they never were in the hands of the Indians, but in those who murdered them and Jacob Hamlin and Jacob Forney know it. The children pointed out to

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us the dresses and jewelry of their mothers and sisters that now grace the angelic forms of these murderers' women and children. Verily it would seem that men and women alike combined in this wholesale slaughter.

            This ill-fated train consisted of eighteen wagons, eight hundred and twenty head of cattle, household goods to a large amount, besides money, estimated at eighty or ninety thousand dollars, the greater part of which, it is believed , now makes rich the harems of this John D. Lee. Of this train a man, whose name is unknown, fortunately escaped at the time of the massacre to Vegas, one hundred miles distant from the scene of blood, on the California road. He was followed by five Mormons, who through promises of safety, &c., prevailed upon him to begin his return to Mountain Meadows, and, contrary to their promises and his just expectation, they inhumanly butched him, laughing at and disregarding his loud and repeated cries for mercy ; as witnessed and told by Ira Hatch, one of the five. The object in killing this man was to leave no witness competent to give testimony in a court of justice, but God, whose ways are inscrutable, has thought proper, through the instrumentality of the "babes and sucklings" recovered by us, to bring to light this most horrible tragedy, and make known its barbarous and inhuman perpetrators.

            Already a step has been taken by Judge Cradlebaugh in the right direction, of which we see the evidence in the flight of presidents, bishops, and elders to the mountains, to escape the just penalty of the law for their crimes. If the vengeance of the Lord is slow, it is equally sure. The Mormons who know better, have reported that the principals, and in fact, all the actors in this fearful massacre, were Indian savages ; but subsequent events have thrown sufficient light upon this mystery to fix the foul blot indellibly upon the Mormon escutcheon. Many of the leaders are well known. John D. Lee was the commander-in-chief. President Haight and Bishop Smith, of Cedar City, and, besides these, one hundred actors and accomplices, are known to Judge Cradlebaugh and Dr. Forney.

JAMES LYNCH.

            James Lynch, being duly sworn, states on oath that all the material facts, stated by him in the foregoing affidavit, so far as he states the same as of his own knowledge are true, and so far as he states the same as from information derived from others, as also the conclusions drawn from the same, he believes to be true, and further saith not.

JAMES LYNCH.

            Sworn to and subscribed July 27, 1859.

D. R. ECKELS,

Chief Justice of Supreme Court.

            The undersigned state on oath, that the foregoing affidavit has been carefully read to them ; that they are the identical persons named in it as having been employed by Dr. Jacob Forney to return with him to Salt Lake City ; that they went from Beaver City with said Forney south, and back again, and that we fully concur in the statements made by James Lynch, Esq., in the foregoing affidavit, as to what we saw and heard on the trip, and the conduct of Dr. Forney, superintendent of Indian affairs, and further say not.

THOMAS DUNN,

JOHN LOFINK.

            Subscribed and sworn to before me, July 27, 1859.

D. R. ECKELS,

Chief Justice of Supreme Court.

40

SUPERINTENDENT'S OFFICE, UTAH,

Great Salt Lake City, September 22, 1859.

            SIR: Your letter dated July 2, in which you request me to ascertain the names of white men, if any, implicated in the Mountain Meadow massacre, reached me several weeks since, about 300 miles west of this city.

            I gave several months ago to the Attorney General and several of the United States judges, the names of those who I believed were not only implicated, but the hell-deserving scoundrels who concocted and brought to a successful termination of the whole affair.

            The following are the names of the persons the most guilty: Isaac T. Haight, Cedar City, president of several settlements south : Bishop Smith, Cedar City ; John D. Lee, Harmony; John M. Higby, Cedar City; Bishop Davis, David Tullis, Santa Clara ; Ira Hatch, Santa Clara. These were the cause of the massacre, aided by others. It is to be regretted that nothing has yet been accomplished towards bringing these murderers to justice.

            I remain, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. FORNEY,

Sup't of Indian Affairs, Utah Territory.

Hon. A. B. GREENWOOD,

            Commissioner Indian Affairs, Washington, D. C.

__________

Extract from Superintendent Forney's annual report of September 29, 1859.

MOUNTAIN MEADOW MASSACRE.

            A company of emigrants from Arkansas, emigrating to California, arrived and camped at a spring in the west end of Mountain Meadow valley on the 3d or 4th September, 1857. On the 9th of said month, and near the said spring, one hundred and fifteen to one hundred and twenty were inhumanly massacred. The lives of seventeen children were spared, who were from two months to seven years old. This massacre was brought to my official notice by a letter from the Hon. C. E. Mix, received June, 1858, instructing me to make inquiry, and recover, if possible, certain children, who, it was supposed, were saved from the massacre, and were supposed to be living with Mormons and Indians. Sixteen of the surviving children were collected in July, 1858, and were placed in a respectable family in Santa Clara, three hundred and fifty miles south of this city, and were provided for by my directions. The seventeenth child was recovered last April. None of the children were claimed by or were living with or among the Indians. They were taken from the field of slaughter the evening of the day their friends were killed, and conveyed in a wagon to Mr. Hamblin's house, in the east end of the valley, by John D. Lee and Daniel Tulis, and perhaps others. The following day the children were divided out and placed in different Mormon families in Cedar City, Harmony, Santa Clara, &c., from whence they were collected in pursuance of my directions. A massacre of such unparalleled magnitude on American soil must, sooner or later, demand thorough investigation. I have availed myself during the last twelve months, of every opportunity to obtain reliable information about the said emigrant company, and the alleged causes of and circumstances which led to their treacherous sacrifice.

            Mormons have been accused of aiding the Indians in the commission of this

41

crime. I commenced my inquiries without prejudice or selfish motive, and with the hope that, in the progress of my inquiries, facts would enable me to exculpate all white men from any participation in this tragedy, and saddle the guilt exclusively upon the Indians ; but, unfortunately, every step in my inquiries satisfied me that the Indians acted only a secondary part. Conflicting statements were made to me of the behavior of this emigrant company while travelling through the Territory. I have accordingly deemed it a matter of material importance to make a strict inquiry to obtain reliable information on this subject; not that bad conduct on their part could in any degree palliate the enormity of the crime, or be regarded as any extenuation. My object was common justice to the surviving orphans. The result of my inquiries enables me to say that the company conducted themselves with propriety. They were camped several days at Corn creek, Fillmore valley, adjacent to one of our Indian farms.

            Persons have informed me that, whilst there encamped, they poisoned a large spring with arsenic and the meat of a dead ox with strichnine. This ox died, unquestionably, from eating a poisonous weed which grows in most of the valleys here. Persons in the southern part of the Territory told me last spring, when on a southern trip, that from fifteen to twenty Pah-vant Indians (of those on Corn Creek farm) died from drinking the water of the poisoned spring and eating of the poisoned meat. Other equally unreasonable stories were told me about these unfortunate people.

            That an emigrant company, as respectable as I believe this was, would carry along several pounds of arsenic and strichnine, apparently for no other purpose than to poison cattle and Indians, is too improbable to be true. I cannot learn that the Pah-vants had any difficulty with these people. The massacre took place only about one hundred miles south of Corn creek, and yet not any of those Indians were present. Bad white men have magnified a natural cause to aid them in exciting the southern Indians, hoping that, by so doing, they could be relied upon to exterminate the said company and escape detection themselves. Thus, on the Monday morning subsequent to the Friday, 4th or 6th of September, the day they camped at the spring, the Indians commenced firing upon them, and continued daily until and during the eighth day of their encamping, but without accomplishing much. Several were killed, however, and a few wounded. When the company first apprehended an attack, they formed a corral with their wagons, and filled up with earth to the wagon beds, which made a protecting fort. White men were present and directed the Indians. John D. Lee, of Harmony, told me, in his own house, last April, in presence of two persons, that he was present three successive days during the fight, and was present during the fatal day. The Indians alone made their last attack on the 8th of September. On the 9th, John D. Lee and others, whose names I gave in my letter of the 23d ultimo, displayed a white flag, and approached the corral with two wagons, and had a long interview with the company, and proposed a compromise. What there occurred has not transpired. The emigrant company gave up all their arms, with the expectation that their lives would be spared, and they be conducted back to Panther creek and Cedar city. The old women, children, and wounded were taken in the wagons, and the company proceeded towards Panther creek, when, suddenly, at a signal, the work of death commenced, about one and a half mile from the spring, at a place where there was about an acre of scrub-oak brush. Here

42

not less, I think, than one hundred and fifteen men, women, and children, were slaughtered by white men and Indians. Three men got out of the valley, two of whom were soon overtaken and killed ; the other reached Muddy creek, over fifty miles off, and was overtaken and killed by several Indians and one white man.

            Thus terminated the most extensive and atrocious massacre recorded in American history. Whoever may have been the perpetrators of this horrible deed, no doubt exists in my mind that they were influenced chiefly by a determination to acquire wealth by robbery. It is in evidence, from respectable sources, that material changes have taken place in the pecuniary condition of certain individuals suspected of complicity in this affair. It is to be regretted that no well-directed effort has been made to bring the guilty to trial and punishment. I furnished to the proper officials the names of some of the persons who, I had reason to suppose, were instigators and participators in this unparalleled massacre, and also with the names of witnesses.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF HENRY HIGGINS.

Territory of Utah.

Cedar County ss:

            Henry Higgins being sworn says, that he lived in Cedar city, in said Territory, about the month of September, 1857, the time of the massacre at the Mountain Meadows. Some days before the massacre, he saw the train going through towards the city, he being out herding at the time; train going south a few days after, about sundown in the evening, he noticed a company of persons going out of Cedar city, two wagons full, and others on horse-back, about 25 persons in all, all armed with guns. Nothing was said about where they were going, he inquired, but was unable to find out. In the Company that started out he recollected the following persons: William Bateman, Egra Curtis, Samuel Pollock, Alexander Loveridge, John M. Higbee, and William Stewart.

            Affiant further says, that he saw the same persons return with a lot of wagons and oxen, which were loaded with plunder, there was twelve or fourteen of them, four to five yoke of oxen in each, they were driven to Bishop P. K. Smith's, there unloaded. Some time after the effects were sold at the Tithing office and further saith not.

HENRY HIGGINS.

            Sworn to and signed before me, this 20th of April, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge 2d District, U. S.

__________

EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF WM. H. ROGERS TO THE VALLEY TAN.

            "Leaving the commands here (Mountain Meadows) Judge Cradlebaugh and I proceeded forward to Cedar city, where the Judge intended to remain some time, and make a thorough investigation if he could, and the persons engaged in it. Owing to some disadvantage in the location of Cedar city, a large portion of the inhabitants that once dwelt there had moved away, and there was in consequence a good many vacant houses in the place. Judge Cradlebaugh obtained the use of one of these to stay in, and for the purpose of a court room.

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            As soon as it became known that Judge Cradlebaugh intended holding a court, and investigating the circumstances of the massacre, and that he would have troops to insure protection, and enforce his writs if necessary; several persons visited him at his room at late hours of the night, and informed him of different facts connected with the massacre. All those that called thus, stated that it would be at the risk of their lives if it became known that they communicated anything to him, and they requested the Judge if he met them in daytime, not to recognize them as persons that he had seen before.

            One of the men who called thus on Judge Cradlebaugh, confessed that he had been engaged in the massacre, and gave the following account of it.

*           *           *           *           *           *           *

            Such was the substance, if not the exact words of a statement made by a man to Judge Cradlebaugh, in my presence, who confessed that he participated in the horrible events that he related. He also gave Judge Cradlebaugh the names of twenty-five or thirty men living in the region, who assisted in the massacre. He offered to make the same statements in court, if protection was guaranteed to him. He gave as a reason for divulging these facts that they had tormented his mind and conscience since they occurred.

            "We had been in Cedar city but two days when Capt. Campbell arrived with his command, and informed the Judge that he had received an express from General Johnson to bring back with him all the troops in his command, as the Mormons were assembling in the mountains on the route. Judge Cradlebaugh was left without protection for those who might be called as witnesses, or of arresting any persons who might flee or resist his writs. Without assistance of this kind it was useless to attempt to hold a court, and we accordingly left on the next day with Capt. Campbell's command for Camp Floyd.

*           *           *           *           *           *           *

WM. H. ROGERS,

Deputy U. S. Marshall, U. T.

__________

THE PARISH MURDER.

Testimony of Mrs. Alvira L. Parish.

            Elvira L. Parish being duly sworn, says, that a few days before my husband and son were murdered, Wilber J. Earl and Alx. F. McDonald came to my house about dusk in the evening and took my husband out. My son followed, and McDonald drove him back. Then I went out and crossed the street into my nephew's house, and stood at the open window, the house being an unfinished one, and heard McDonald tell my husband that he could never see his grey horses any more. My husband replied that if he would let him go to Brigham Young, he would bring papers to show that the horses belonged to him and no one else. McDonald said we dont care for Brigham Young, and if you start to see him you will never live to get there. My husband then opened his bosom and told them if they wanted to kill him to do it now. McDonald said we dont want to shed blood now.

            On Sunday following, after I heard this conversation, Mr. Parish started with Abraham Durfee from our house about two o'clock in the afternoon, and in the evening Mr. Durfee came back, and took my two sons out; soon after they left the house I heard a gun fire. This was a little after dark, and shortly after that the police came and searched my house for Orrin, and told me that they

44

wanted his body dead or alive. I told them he was not there, but Carnes, the Captain of the Police told them to search the house, and they searched it. I remained in the house all night, much alarmed and very lonesome. I went to the door occasionally and saw some men fixing a wagon, and passing frequently with candles in their hands from John Daily's house to the wagon. I saw the wagon move off in the direction that my sons went. It proved to be the wagon that brought in the dead bodies. G. McKenzie told me that he was ordered by the Bishop to drive the wagon out, but did not know at the time what he was going after, that when they arrived at the place they threw the dead bodies of my husband, my son and Mr. Potter into the wagon like dead hogs, and said : "This is the way the damned apostates go."

            The next morning after this, my brother-in-law, Ezra Parish, came to my house and told me that Orrin was at his house guarded by four policemen. He told me to come over, but to be as calm as possible. I went over and found Orrin there in bed guarded by four men. I knew none of the men but William Johnson. I stept toward the bed to ask my son if he knew where his father was, but Mr. Johnson jerked me away, and said if I wanted to talk I must talk loud. I then asked him loud, if he knew where his father was? He said he had not seen him. Soon after that, my son Albert came and told me that his father and his brother, and Mr. Potter, were all dead in the school house. Soon after that they came and took Orrin over to the school house. I followed, but was so prostrated by the circumstances that I was not able to go alone, but was assisted by my nephew and brother-in-law. When I got to the school house, I heard them ask Orrin if he had been accessory to the murder. He stated on oath that he had not, and that he did not know who did it. Orrin was at this time very much embarrassed. He was discharged after they found that he knew nothing.

            After the burial, I was required to pay $48 for funeral expenses before I could get back my husband's watch and other things he had with him. On a second visit to the school house, I noticed that a knife had been drawn through my husband's left hand ; the fore finger hung by the skin ; his hand and left arm were all cut up with a knife ; a large gash in the back of his head. One of his suspenders was cut off; the knife pierced his body, then another wound lower down and more in front. There was forty-eight holes in his coat, all caused by stabs ; examined and counted them myself. Mr. Parrish's throat was cut from ear to ear ; his watch had saved him one stab, there was the mark of a knife on it. There was four bullet holes in the left side of my son. My husband had a Territorial order in his pocket book when he left home -- called for $500 ; I never got it back; when I got his pocket-book it had a few jewels in it belonging to my sons, a medal, a half dollar, a twenty- five cent piece, the paper containing the conversation my husband and Earl and McDonald was in it, but it was not returned.

*           *           *           *           *           *           *

            Mr. Dibble, who was on the coroner's inquest said, that where he examined the pocket-book on the inquest, he saw no papers of any kind.

            I went to Salt Lake City in July, 1857, to see Brigham, in accordance with a promise I had made my husband. Brigham told me he knew nothing of the affair. Springville was fifteen years ahead of him. He would have stopped it had he known anything about it. I asked him about the horses. He said he would do everything he could do to have the horses restored to me -- he

45

would write to me after seeing Mr. Bullock and others. I told him Gee had possession of the horses, and that he had said, nothing but an order from Brigham could get them. Brigham's clerk put down in a book what I said. Brigham never wrote to me. I went to see him this winter he would'nt see me. It was between Christmas and New Years could'nt see him. I went to Brigham Young's office about 8 o'clock in the morning, and sat there till 4 o'clock in the afternoon. His clerks were present. At 4 o'clock I was told that I could not see Brigham Young that day, but next day to call and see him between 8 and 11 o'clock in the morning. I came next morning and was told I could'nt see him, that he saw nobody. Mr. Sharp, chief the police in Salt Lake City, when I was going out, called me back, and asked me what I would do about it. I told him I did'nt know. I went to John Young's, from there to Mr. Long's, and noticed Mr. Sharp and one of the clerks following me ; they called after me ; they said I should wait till the soldiers left, and I would get back my horses and four fould with them. It would be best for me to drop it. They told me to go to Bishop Hunter and try to settle the matter. I would not go.

            The first day I was at Brigham's office, I was told by the clerk, Brigham Young don't want to see you, such business should be put into the hands of the Bishops -- to see Bishop Hancock, Bishop Johnson, and Bishop Rosberry, and they would settle it -- That Brigham had told him that he didn't want to see me.

            There had been public preaching at Springville, to the effect that no apostates would be allowed to leave, if they did, hog-holes in the fences would be stopped up with them. I heard these sermons. Elder Hyde and President Snow, and others, preached that way. My husband was no believer in the doctrine of killing to "save" as taught by the teachers.

(Signed) ALVIRA L. PARISH.

            Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 26th day of March, A. D. 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH, Judge, &c.

__________

TESTIMONY OF ORRIN K. PARRISH.

            Orrin E. Parish, being sworn, says : He was twenty years old last July; lived with his father's family in Springville, in March, 1857. Family consisted of father, mother, and six children ; eldest brother, William Beason, aged twenty- two ; witness next. Lived in James O'Bannion's house -- double house ; we lived in one end, O'Bannion in the other. We came here from Council Bluffs.

            Father, brother, and Potter were murdered on the evening of the 14th March, 1857. About a week before the murder, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Metcalf, and a person whose name witness does not recollect, came to father's as teachers, and questioned father about his religion, whether he prayed, and what he intended to do ; don't recollect all that was said, but they didn't seem pleased with father's answer.

            A night or two after, our four horses and carriage were stolen ; they were in the stable on the lot where we lived. We found two of the horses before father's death in Kim Bullock's stable in Provo ; got them back after father's death from the Bishop. Bullock said they were brought and put in his stable

46

at night, and he did not know who by. Lysander Gee, of Tooele city, has the other horses; saw him driving them last fall in Great Salt Lake city, and riding one of them, and another man the other, in Echo Kanyon, five or six days after father's death.

            Two or three days before the murder, Wilber J. Earl and Abram F. McDonald came to our house, called father out, and went across the street behind an unfinished house belonging to cousin. Witness started to follow, but was driven back by A. F. McDonald, who said they wanted to talk privately to father. Mother went over into the house, and returned in about ten minutes. Father soon after came in. Father afterwards wrote on a piece of paper what was said to him. "Witness thinks it read about as follows : "Abram F. McDonald and Wilber J. Earl says that I (William R. Parish) will never see my grey horses any more, and if I start to the city to see Brigham Young, I will never live to get there." Abraham Durfee was at our house frequently after the 1st of March, and up to the time of the murder he lived half a mile from our house. Pretended to father that he couldn't stand Mormonism any longer, and that he wanted to get out of the country. Durfee and Potter were there most every day. The arrangement was finally made, that father, brother, Durfee, Potter and myself, were to start on Sunday night, the 14th of March, 1857. They talked the matter over, and concluded that it would not be safe to start in the daytime ; if we did we would be followed and killed as apostates. It was arranged to go out after dark, and meet about a quarter of a mile south of the city wall, at a corner of the lane fence.

            Durfee and Potter were at our house at ten o'clock on the Sunday of the murder. Durfee was there also at two o'clock, at which time he and father left, directing us boys where to meet after dark. Durfee came back before dark, again after dark; last time said father sent word to mother to send us out, whether ready or not. Durfee and brother started ; I remained at the door talking to mother a minute or two, then overtook them; we went out through the south gate of the city wall. Two persons followed us on the street; did not talk much. Brother and I carried bundles of provision and ammunition.

            Durfee left us at the gate ; said he was going home to get his gun ; directed us to go to the southwest corner of the city wall ; went as directed. Saw no person; heard them inside the wall. Durfee came to us; had his gun; asked brother to go with him to get some things that he said he had hid out during the day ; returned to me in ten minutes. Durfee said he could not find the things. While they were absent a gun was fired, apparently about the corner of the lane fence, where we were to meet. When they got back I asked what it meant. Durfee said some Indians might be camped down there ; then he said it might be a signal from father or Potter. We then started a southeast course, towards the corner where we were to meet. Crossed the fence one or two hundred yards north into the road. After we got into the road, Durfee called out, " Duff, Duff, Duff," three times. Potter's name was Duff.

            We then stopped and looked to the fence on the east side of the road. No one answered. We went on towards the corner ; when within fifteen or twenty feet of the corner a person at the corner called out " Durfee " three times. Durfee answered. Immediately a gun or pistol was fired ; brother Beason fell, (Beason is brother William's middle name.) I was nearest Durfee; brother farthest away, and ahead of us. Durfee had a blanket and black hat on ; had

47

a gun and revolver. Brother had a black hat on. Durfee knew we had no arms. Durfee said, " My God ! what does this mean ?" Witness was close to him, but stepped away. Durfee drew up his gun and pointed it at witness, and bursted a cap, the gun failing to go off. "Witness went further off from Durfee. Another gun was then fired at corner of fence ; then two or three other shots were fired ; one ball passed through a cartridge box witness had on, (cartridge box shown with a hole in it.)

            Witness jumped fence and ran for the city; climbed the wall at a place where it was low, about seven feet high, and was severely injured in getting off it ; when he crossed Hobble Creek, heard person behind ask which way he went. Witness ran to his uncle's house ; some ten or twelve men were standing in the street to the left. Witness got in so quick they could not catch him. Uncle, aunt, and cousins, at home. Told them that Beason had been shot. Asked uncle to go and see if he was alive. Uncle was afraid to go. Got Robert Brooks to go. Brooks went, returned in a short time -- twenty minutes, and said he went to the South city gate, was there met by a lot of men who told him to go back if he wanted to live.

            Half an hour after Brooks returned, Wilber J. Earl, H. H. Carnes, Daniel Stanton, Sanford Fuller, Andrew Wiles, and a man by the name of Curtis, came to uncle's; Carnes asked for me, said he wanted me, dead or alive. Witness was sick from hurt in jumping the wall, and had laid down in bed; made me get up to see if I was shot. Told him I was sick; got up, sat in chair; felt my shoulders and arms, and examined me to see if I was shot. Said he had a writ for me, and I must go with him. Aunt said I was sick and not able to go. That no matter ; when they took me, she would follow them ; and that they could guard me: then a guard was left over me. In the morning, John Daily, William Johnson, and a man I don't recollect, were there as a guard. Ten or eleven o'clock, was taken by John Daily and others to the meeting house. John M. Stuart acted as Justice of the Peace; twenty or thirty men there. Durfee and I were sworn. Durfee was examined first; don't recollect all he said ; he had snapped a cap at the enemy. I told them I knew nothing about it more than Durfee had stated ; that I saw nobody, but saw something dark toward the corner of the fence. My uncle got a chance to speak to me in the morning, and he told me to say that I knew nothing; said that if they found out that I knew anything, they would kill me. That was the reason I testified that way. They discharged me. The voice I heard at the corner of the fence calling Durfee, was Carnes's voice ; he has a peculiar voice ; I knew it well, and cannot be mistaken. The dead bodies were at the meeting or school when we were sworn. Father laid in the middle his throat was cut; body was covered up. Brother fell forward, when shot, on his hands ; five or six shots fired ; four ball holes in brother's coat, entering on one side of the breast and coming out on the back. (Coat produced and identified.) Never suspected Durfee's treachery until he pointed the gun at me. Heard father say that Durfee's life had been threatened. Eight o'clock in the evening when they were murdered.

(Signed) ORRIN E. PARRISH.

            Sworn to and signed before me this 26th day of March, A. D. 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

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AFFIDAVIT OF JOSEPH BARTHOLOMEW.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

            Utah County.               )

            Joseph Bartholomew of Springville, in the county of Utah aforesaid, being duly sworn, deposes and says:

            Duff Potter came to me and notified me to attend a meeting at Bishop Johnson's about the 1st of March, 1857.

            In pursuance of that notice we met at Bishop Johnson's in a private council meeting. I do not recollect what was done at this first meeting ; there was merely some talk about persons leaving and matters and things connected therewith, of which I do not remember the particulars. In about a week after that they met again, and at that meeting Potter and Durfee were "dropped off" and selected for the purpose of finding out what was going on.

            At the meeting the conversation was about the Parrishes, and about persons at the Indian farm. The meeting was called to enter into arrangements to find out what these persons expected to do. This is what I understood was the purpose of these two meetings. I did not attend any meetings after this. At this meeting it was not known what the Parrishes intended to do, and nothing was decided as in regard to them.

            Bishop Johnson made a remark, however, that some of us would yet "see the red stuff run." He said he had a letter, and the remark was made by some one that " dead men tell no tales." I do not know whether any other meetings were held or not.

            The same night that the Parrishes were killed, at about nine o'clock, I was notified by Carnes to go home and get my gun. I asked him what was up. He said there was enough up. I was just returning from a public meeting which had been held that night ; they did not tell me what they wanted with me. Bishop Johnson, Lorenzo Johnson, A. F. McDonald, Mayor; John M. Stewart, Justice of the Peace; Wilber J. Earl, Alderman, now captain of police ; Andrew Wiles, William Bird, Lorin Roundy, Simmons Curtis, Abraham Durfee, Duff Potter and myself, were at the council meetings, and other persons I do not remember the name of. There were at least fifteen present.

            I went and got my gun and came back, and was told to take my post and watch west of Parrish's house, three rods ; I was told to stay there and watch if Orrin Parrish came back. I stayed there some 10 or 15 minutes, when I was notified to repair to the school house ; I don't remember who notified me.

            When I got there, there was a company formed there with a wagon and team. We were ordered to inarch south, down the lane, formed as a guard in front of the team ; I did not know at that time for what purpose. When we got out at the south gate I learned then what was up. When we reached the bodies we were formed into two companies, one to go to the south-east and one to the west ; I went to the west side of the street from where the bodies lay. They were on the east side and we were on the west side. The street is eight rods wide. The companies were divided before we came to the bodies. There were two persons beside myself in the company I was with, and about three in the other. There were some ten or fifteen altogether that went out. Of these I remember the following: A. F. McDonald, John M. Stewart, Philio Dibbes, George McKenzie went as teamster; Davis Clark, Simmons Curtis, John Daley, Moses Daley, jr., and John Curtis. Carnes, the Captain of police, called us together, and told us to start out.

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            While I and the two with me were standing as guard, the others went and found the bodies. When the bodies were found we were called together, and I saw the bodies of Potter and Wm. Parrish lying side by side.

            The body of Beason Parrish was lying about fifty yards to the south east of the other bodies, from the corner of the fence.

            The bodies were put into the wagon and taken to the school house. The bodies were searched and a note taken of the effects found on the bodies, the pocket-books, knives, &c.

            A guard was put around the school house that night. I was called to take charge of the house, and to wash the bodies and lay them out. Edward Hall and Thomas Cordingly (since dead) assisted me.

            Old man Parrish was cut all over with knife wounds. His throat was cut in the left side. He was cut at least fifteen times in the back, in front, on the arms, the hands, in fact all over.

            Potter was shot with three balls in his right breast below the nipple, probably with a shot gun; there were no knife marks about Potter.

            Beason Parrish was shot through the left arm with four balls, passing through the arm and coming out near the middle of his back. They may have entered at his back and come out through the arm ; they were nearer together in his back than in front.

            I was invited by Sanford Fuller to go and participate in the killing of Henry Forbes. He told me there was such a thing in contemplation, and wanted me to go with him which I declined doing.

            About two days after that Wilber J. Earl spoke to me, and told me that the job which they contemplated was done, and if I had a went he would not have had it to do. He charged me not to tell it, and I am now under the threats of death for doing so. I never saw the body. Some four or five days after, Coles told me that the Indians had found the body some where between there and Provo.

            There has been several attempts to put me out of the way. Last fall was a year ago, I was called upon to go with four men up the Kanyon to look for some valley. When we got to camp one of the men asked me to go with him to hunt bears. Their plan was for him to lead me round to a place where the others would kill me and say it was the Indians.

            As I went out, however, I could see their manouverings, and I suspected something ; so when we got on a piece I left him, and going another course returned to camp. When I got there I found the man with whom I had started, and the others were all gone. When the other men came back they saddled up their horses, and went to a more convenient camp. Abraham Durfee, Wilber J. Earl, Nelson Spafford and Selin Curtis were with me.

            In the night, after dark, they tied my horse in an opening, where the light of the fire would shine on him. When we went to get our horses, they said they would take their guns. I said I would take my gun too, and went out, but took care to keep out of the light of the fire. I found my horse tied, but got him loose without getting into the fire-light. They then wanted me to come where they were, and that would have brought me into the light, but I refused, and tied him elsewhere. The guards were arranged so that Spafford and I were on the first guard. I watched them all very narrowly, and satisfied myself from their movements that they had determined to kill me ; so, making some excuse, I went out with my gun and ran off. After traveling

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some time I laid down and slept; the next day I traveled through the brush as much as possible. Towards evening, however, I was headed by four men on foot, and chased by them until dark. The next morning I found some men getting wood, and came home with them. "When I got back I met Earl and the Bishop, and they told me I was crazy -- that nothing of the sort was thought of.

            It all passed off well enough until two weeks ago ; the second time that Marshal Dotson came to my house; then Andrew Wiles and Sanford Fuller came to me and told me I must go into the mountains. I started from Oliver McBride's. The two McBride boys, (Oliver and Harlin,) the two Curtis' (Uriah and Selie,) William McBride and William Johnson, were at the house. Two of them followed me until I went up the mountain about eighty rods; I then stepped to one side into a little kind of a kanyon, and then got away up among the rocks till they passed by and lost me; I then came down the mountain again, and went about half a mile north and went up Rock kanyon.

            This was on Friday night ; on Sunday night I came into town and went to Uriah Curtis'; there they notified me again that I must go to Wilber J. Earl and Abraham Durfee. I was notified by William Johnson, then Marshal, by Uriah Curtis, Harlin McBride and William Bird. We then proceeded on -- Oliver and Harlin McBride and myself -- out to where Earl and Durfee were, up Hobble Creek a piece. As soon as we got there William Bird and U. Curtis came to us with an express that we must go to the city. They would tell who the counsel was from, but said it was counsel; and we were not to be seen by any living being, but were to travel at night and lay by in the day time and keep to the mountains.

            We started and traveled along the mountain, and camped the first morning between Brattle creek and the mouth of Provo kanyon, up in a little kanyon. The next night we crossed over the mountain, near Mountainsville [?], and camped the next day at Dry creek, in Salt Lake valley. There Wilber J. Earl began to get [uneasy ?] about noon, and wished to go on. Durfee and I opposed it, but Earl would go on, and we finally consented; [then instead of?] obeying what Durfee and I had understood as counsel, to keep out of sight of men, he took a straight course for Cottonwood Fort. When we got within about half a mile of the fort, Earl took off his pistol belt and buckled it on again so that his pistol would be right in front, and then wanted us to go up in the willows above the fort and wait there till night. It had been snowing all the time since we started, and was still snowing.

            Durfee and I believed that there was a plan laid to kill us right there, and we would not go, but determined to go past the fort. When I got opposite the fort I stopped and asked them whether they intended to kill and butcher me, and told them that I believed that was their intention. They both denied it positively, and Earl said that I must be crazy again. About a mile past Cottonwood Fort a man passed us riding at full speed on horseback ; he rode at full speed until he got out of sight. When he passed us he did not look at us or notice us at all.

            At Big Cottonwood we were tired of carrying our blankets, which were wet and heavy, and left them at a blacksmith's shop. We went on to Gardner's mill, and from there we turned right west through the willow patches. Earl wanted to go that way, and would go no other. We went across until we came to a dam to turn water into a mill race, and here saw a man sitting

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down ; and when he saw us coming he raised up, and then slipped down again behind the dam out of sight ; as he raised up we saw the breech of a gun. Abraham Durfee then stopped and said to Earl, " Wilber Earl, have you any- thing against me?" Wilber said he had not, and raised his hand and said he had nothing against either of us, and that there was nothing against either of us. He seemed to become very much excited. We turned and went back a piece and crossed the race, and went on and struck into the first street east of the state road. We then went up that street into town.

            At the corners of the first cross street there were men posted at each corner. There Wilber J. Earl made a sign with his hand for them to go round us. They then started one way and we went another around the corner. We would not go the way Earl wanted us to go, but kept him with us. At the next corner we turned north, and then at the next corner two men were stationed in the same manner as at the first corner, which we supposed were the same two we had met before. Here Earl put his hand to his pistol, and then made a motion by putting his hand to his forehead. One of the men whistled. We went up this street until we got to Brigham's house, and then turned west to the council house corner. Here we stopped right in the street, Durfee saying that he wanted to go to Stringham's. We talked about it, and Earl seemed willing to have us go. He said he did not want me to go with him with the feeling which I had towards him. Durfee and me then started towards Kinkead's. Wilber J. Earl started on west down the street. A man followed after him, and when we saw him last there were three men talking with him. We went to Kinkead's store, and told Mr. Kinkead about our case, and told him we wanted protection until morning. He took us over to the Secretary's. Mr. Kinkead and his clerk went there with us. We claimed the Secretary's protection.

            There was a gun fired close to us when we entered the city.

            I have heard it said that apostates running off would never get farther than Muddy creek.

            I do not think that the killing of Potter was intentional, but that he was killed through mistake. He was the one who notified me, and was a leading man.

JOSEPH BARTHOLOMEW.

            Sworn to and subscribed before me, on the 29th day of March, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge 2d Judicial District.

            Bartholomew was afterwards examined as a witness, and made the same statements, and in addition said:

            "Durfee and Potter were set off by council meeting to watch Parrish's. Saw John Daley about the public meeting on the Sunday night of the murder ; he did not go into the house. Council meetings were held in the upper room of Bishop Johnson's house ; confident he saw McDonald there. Brother Carnes called on witness, and ordered him to get his gun on the night of the murder. Carnes called out the company; does not know that any person was sworn when we took up the bodies."

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THE FARCE OF A COURT OF INQUIRY.

            The following is the examination referred to by Orrin E. Parrish in his testimony ; it is copied from a loose sheet of paper in the docket of John M. Stuart, and must satisfy any reasonable person that the anxiety manifested by the diligent police in searching for Orrin -- placing a guard over him when injured and scarcely able to get out of bed ; treating him as a criminal in custody ; not allowing even his mother to speak to him unless she spoke loud ; taking him to the school house as a prisoner then swearing him and Durfee ; -- was for no other purpose than to find out if he could identify any of the murderers. If he had said he knew any of them, no doubt he would soon after have been killed by assassins to the jurors unknown.

REPORT OF THE COURT OF INQUIRY HELD IN THE SCHOOL HOUSE, SPRINGVILLE, MARCH 16th, 1857.

            Said court was held to inquire into the reasons Abram Durfee and Orrin Parrish should be held in custody of the police.

            H. H. Carnes Captain of the police was called, and stated that Cyrus Sandford, city Marshal, delivered into his custody Abram Durfee, who stated " that he had reason to suppose that certain men had been murdered south of the city, and as he also said that the young man Parrish was in company with him and believed he had also come into the city." I directed his arrest, that he also might be in safe keeping until proper investigation could be made.

            Abram Durfee being sworn stated, that it had been arranged between myself and G. Potter and the Parrishes, that they would leave the country -- that he in company with the two sons of Wm. Parrish left the city by the west gate and proceeded to the southwest corner of the fort wall ; he had arranged to meet with Potter and Parrish at the corner of Chields field, they were to go on before. When we reached the corner of the wall we heard a gun fired. I thought it might be Potter and Parrish firing a gun off to let us know their whereabouts. We went on, and when we got pretty near the corner of the field, I spoke and called Potter, but no one answered. I spoke again and some one spoke ; I dont know whether it was Potter or not. Just then a gun fired, and the boy Parish fell on my right. I run ; then another gun fired. I then heard a gun fire the third time. There must have been more than one gun fired from the reports. I did not see Parrish or Potter ; I dont know whether they were there or not I did not see anybody, only the two boys, this one that is here and the one that fell ; I could not have seen anybody ten feet off, it was so dark. A ball passed just in front of me, at the first time I saw the boy fall. I ran from the spot when I heard the fire and saw the boy fall ; this was about 7 o'clock in the evening.

            Orrin Parrish, sworn, says he went out with his brother, as Durfee had stated. On the first gun my brother fell ; there were four or five guns fired after. I dont know whether I saw any person. I saw something black ; I ran off after the first fire I saw my brother fall

            The court decided that there was no just cause to hold the men in custody any longer and that they be released.

            Prisoners discharged.

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            P. S. Durfee also said that he had no idea of any one being aware of their intention to leave the place.

(Signed) P. W. WESTWOOD, Clerk.

            The decision or verdict of the jury was as follows: "The jurors called to examine the bodies of Wm. B. Parrish, Beason Parrish, and Gardner G. Potter, find that the above named bodies all came to their death by the hands of assassins to the jurors unknown.

J. M. STEWART,

A. F. McDONALD, foreman.

M. N. CRANDALL,

N. J. GUYMAN,

URIAH CURTIS,

S. P. CURTIS,

JOHN DAYLEY,

WM. SMITH,

G. McKENZIE,

PHILO DIBBLE,

WILBER J. EARL,

JOSEPH BARTHOLOMEW,

THOMAS G. SPRAGUE.

            The reader should observe carefully the foregoing documents and consider the same in connexion with the testimony of Bartholomew and Durfee. Several of these persons were on the Grand Jury at Provo. The Mormon county court in Utah having the selecting of the Grand and trial jurors for the Federal courts. It will also be observed, that many of them take conspicuous parts in the Bishop council meetings, at Bishop Johnson's, which determined on killing the Parishes, for which, also see the affidavits of Durfee and Bartholomew.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF ZEPHANIAH J. WARREN.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

Provo City, Utah County,          ) ss.

Second Judicial District.                         )

            Zephaniah J. Warren being duly sworn, says as follows : I am fifty-seven years old, I came to Utah in the year A. D. 1852. I came from Iowa to this Territory ; I settled in the town of Springville, Utah county, when I came into this valley, and have resided there ever since, with the exception of about seven months absence in California, in the years 1856 and 1857. I reside in Springville now. On my return home from California in the Spring of 1857, I heard of the murder of the two Parrishes and Potter; the day I came to Springville I saw the place where they were murdered. Seeing the place and the appearance of blood, I became somewhat excited and spoke very reproachfully of the leading men of Springville ; however, I tried to reconcile my mind enough to stay until I could dispose of my property, and get away with my family.

            I did not say much to anybody, unless I was interrogated, during the whole season. I heard of many threats being thrown out against me in the meeting-house by the overseers, but I did not use much caution. I was thrown off my

54

guard by supposing that they dare not touch me. In the latter part of August, I was very feeble from a severe cold, so that I was confined to nay house, and in bed much of the time.

            On the night of the 31st August, 1857, I arose from my bed and applied some medicine to my eyes which occasioned great pain. During the time a person knocked at my door ; I bade him come in. Two men came in -- William Johnson and Oliver McBride. They asked me if Mr. Warren was at home, I told them I was the man, but was very feeble. They told me brother Earl wished to see me a few minutes just here. I said I would not go, but would try to see him in the morning, if I was able. They said they were policemen, and brother Earl told them, if I did not come willingly, they must bring me by force. I insisted they should wait until my son came home, as I did not want to go alone. They said they would not wait and that I must and should go immediately. I told them I would go -- that I was not conscious of any crime, and was not afraid to go ; and if it was not far I would do my best. I went out into the street in company with these two men. I found six others standing in the street. Their names were Wilber J. Earl, Sanford Fuller, Abraham Durfee, John Curtis, Lehi Curtis, and Simmons P. Curtis. They were all armed with pistols, knives, and guns. Earl told me to be still and go with them out of the city gate. I told them I would not go one step without the knowledge of the public. Earl seized me by the throat, saying " Damn your old heart, if you speak another loud word (applying his knife to my throat) I will cut your throat on the spot." They then, Johnson and Earl took me by force and dragged me on the ground most of the time, for about sixty rods, through the gate ; they then suddenly stopped, and some one said "there is some one coming; damn him! stop him, stop him! " Two ran back, and the others then threw me into a fence ditch. Earl then seized me by the throat saying, " you damned old American, you will never write or talk any more about people that have been murdered." Then all but one left me, and held a private conversation on the other side of the road, lasting perhaps an hour ; then six of them came back and Earl said, " we have concluded to let you live a few days, if you will now swear before us that you will never divulge what has been done to you to-night to any person, and go within a day or two and settle up your tithing, as all men in these valleys have got to be tithed. We have declared war against the whole world, and at any time we can put you aside very easy. I did promise that I would go and settle my tithing that they required. Then they all addressed me, one by one, and advised me to make friends with the Mormons and never to write any more or try to make myself as one of the Gentiles. They then left me. A short time after I went to the Bishop and tried to settle my tithing. The Bishop became so much enraged at my talking to him, that I could not settle at that time, and I never tried again until the spring of 1858 ; the Bishop then appeared in a very good humor and soon told me what my tithing was. He did not take my note. Suppose he forgot it. Since that time, which was about the time the army came in, he always appeared very hostile sending me word to come and settle up my tithings. I always told the men he sent that I never would settle the tithing ; that I had been forced by duress to say that I would, in order to save my life.

(Signed) Z. F. WARREN.

            Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 26th day of March, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH, Judge, &c.

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AFFIDAVIT OF ALVA A. WARREN.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

Provo City, Utah County,          ) ss.

Second Judicial District.             )

            Alva A. Warren being duly sworn, says as follows : I am twenty-two years old ; I am the son of Zephaniah J. Warren, I came to Springville with my father in 1852, and have resided in Springville ever since, and reside there now. On the night of the 31st of August, 1857, I came up to my father's house, just as two men, William Johnson and Oliver McBride, were bringing my father out of the house. My father asked me to go with him. I said I would. The two men said, " You need not go we are not going to hurt him." I went till I came to the other six men, and then William Johnson said : "You can't go any further We are not going to hurt him." I stopped and they went on till they got opposite to Earl's house, and I heard a noise that I thought was father's voice, and I went on, down to where they were, and Lehi Curtis ordered me to be taken back, and John Curtis came and took me back about one hundred and fifty yards from where they were then, and John Curtis and myself staid there till they came back. Then father and I went home, and William Johnson and Oliver McBride came and called for me, and I went up with them to Earl's house, and they made me promise never to say anything about it.

(Signed) ALVA A. WARREN.

            Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 26th day of March, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF JAMES W. WEBB.

            James Wesley Webb, being sworn states: I lived at Springville in 1857. I lived there when the Parishes and Potter were killed. The morning after they were killed Daniel Stanton came to me to get me to make a coffin for Gardner Potter. About three months after making the coffin for Potter I applied to the city council of Springville for pay for it while the council was in session. Wilber J. Earl, a member of the council, took me out of the house, and remarked that I ought not to have said anything about the coffin or Potter then, that it always made McDonald feel bad. He repeated this remark to me two or three times, as if to impress it strongly on my mind, and to caution me against saying anything again about Potter in the presence of McDonald. Alexander F. McDonald was present in the council when I applied for pay for making the coffin for Potter. I do not know whether he was a member of the council or not. Alex. F. McDonald has been Mayor of Springville, and I think that he was when the Parishes and Potter were killed, though I will not be positive about this.

J. W. WEBB.

            Subscribed and sworn to in open court, the 30th day of August, 1859.

JNO. E. RISLEY, Clerk.

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CONFESSION OF ABRAHAM DURFEE.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

2d Judicial District.                   )

Provo City, Utah County.          )

            Abraham Durfee, of his own free will and accord, and without being influenced by any promise of any kind, by any person whatever, or of the hope thereof, now, this first day of April, A. D. 1859, comes before Judge Cradlebaugh, and makes the following confession, viz :

            I am thirty-four years old. I have resided in Springville, Utah county, U. T., since the spring of 1851. I came from Iowa in 1850. In Springville I was farming part of the time, and part of the time attending a saw mill and working at millwrighting.

            I was notified of a council by Wilber J. Earl in the month of January, 1857 ; he told me he wanted me to come to the Bishop's house that evening, and he said there would be others there at the room. I went, and there were a number of persons in the room ; it was in the upper room in the Bishop's dwelling house, in Bishop Aaron Johnson's house. The Bishop was there, A. F. McDonald, Wilber J. Earl, Abraham Durfee, Andrew Wiles, and Lorenzo Johnson, William Bird, and Gardner G. Potter and Joseph Bartholomew, Simmons Curtis and Lorin Roundy were there, and there were a number of others whose names I have forgotten, I do not know what the meeting had been called for ; there were matters talked of concerning people going away. Some individuals were mentioned by the Bishop ; he stated that he had instructions in regard to them. The Bishop said he had received a letter, which he had in his hand ; he said that he supposed that was sufficient for us to know ; that he did not wish that any inquiry should go any further back than to himself. He stated that there were some individuals at the Indian farm who were about to leave ; he said he wanted them watched, and wanted some one to see when they would leave ; he said there was word that they were going to steal some horses, and then going to leave the Territory. That was about all I recollect that transpired that night. The understanding was that the persons there were to watch generally for persons going away,

            There was another meeting in the neighborhood of a week, or longer -- can't say exactly. I was notified by some person to attend that meeting ; that meeting was held at the same place, in the room. It was some three weeks before the Parrishes and Potter was killed. The same persons were at this meeting that were at the first I have spoken of. N. T. Guyman was at this meeting ; Bishop Johnson presided. There was something mentioned at this meeting about the Parrishes -- that they were going to leave the Territory. The Bishop said there were some demands against them, for debts that they were owing; he did not state the debts. It was mentioned, either by the Bishop or Mc- Donald. I don't recollect which, to have some one to find out when the Parrishes were going to start ; they nominated or named persons to know when the Parrishes were going to leave. My name (Abraham Durfee) was mentioned, and I objected to it; then they mentioned Potter's name; and then the Bishop decided that both Potter and myself should try and learn when the Parrishes were going to leave the Territory. The Bishop said he did not wish any one to decline when he was called upon. I then told the Bishop I would do the best I knew how, and Potter assented to the same; I can't recollect that Potter made any reply.

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            There was considerable talk about other matters, but I can't recollect what it was. I saw Potter several times through the course of the week following. I talked with Parish that week, and with several others who were going away, and I went I think it was that week and did some work for him. Parrish's horses were not mentioned in the meetings I have named.

            In the course of that week Parrish's horses were taken, and Parrish came over to see me in the morning ; he told me that they had taken all his horses ; he wished me to help him hunt them up. I went with him to his house ; we went from there to John M. Stewart's, the justice of the peace; he got out a search warrant, and went to find the constable, Cyrus Sandford. He was not at home, and I went back to the justice's with Parrish to get deputized to serve the warrant, and the justice refused to do it. Parrish and I went back to Parrish's house, and Potter came up to Parrish's, and Potter took the papers -- I mean the warrant ; then Parrish and Potter started for Provo.

            That is about all that transpired before the next meeting that was held, the evening that Potter returned from Provo, having gone there after the horses, but returned without them. I don't think I was at this third meeting. Potter told me that he went to the meeting after he returned from Provo. He told the meeting that he had found one span of the horses. I asked him what they said about the taking of the horses ; he said that the Bishop told him that Parrish or his son was owing Bullock something in regard to an order that Parrish's son had traded to Bullock, and that he (the Bishop) wanted those horses placed where they belonged to answer the demand.

            That, evening, at that meeting, Wilber J. Earl and A. F. McDonald were appointed to go and tell Parrish that he should not receive those horses ; this was told me by Potter. Parrish the next day told me that he had given up all hope of getting his horses, that they were gone. Parrish told me that he had seen the Bishop and he had agreed to have the horses that had been found at Bullock's in Provo, brought back and put into the custody of Cyrus Sanford, the constable. Parrish, after this had transpired in regard to the horses, proposed leaving right away ; he wanted to know if Potter and I would go with him. I told him I would. Potter said he would go too. Parrish made the arrangements to start, I think it was the Saturday before the murder, I cannot recollect the day exactly ; Potter told me before this, a day or two, that they arrived to bring them the Parrishes back, if they started, and I went to Parrishes the next Sunday morning and they had not gone yet. Parrish told me then that he had expected to have started before, but the police watched the house so closely that he could not go out of doors. Parrish said he wanted to go that day, or that evening; but he said he could not get his things out so as to start in the day time. Potter came into Parrish while we were talking, and he proposed that he would take Parrish's things out. Parrish got some things for Potter to take with him, some gloves, bridle, a gun, some tape, and some things which I don't recollect. Parrish took the gun apart and gave it to Potter, and Potter said he would take care of them, and bring them to him.

            Parrish proposed that he would start out in the daytime, on account of the police and he wanted me to go with him; we started off together, and when we got outside of the house I asked him if he was going to take his gun. He said he would like to have his gun, that he had given Potter one, and he had another one in the house, and he sent me back to the house to get the gun, and then we started off together; we went up the street, east to the edge of the

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city, and there turned south and went to the east gate. After passing through the gate we went south and crossed Hobble Creek; till we came to Dry Creek. Parrish stopped then and said he would stay there, and asked me to go back and bring the boys Orrin and Beason, out to him. They were to meet on the State road near the corner of the fence, they were to meet there after dark.

            This was a little while before sundown, and I went back to Parrish's house and told the boys that their father said he wanted them to come to him as soon as they got ready. Potter, while I was there, came to the house or yard, and wanted to know of me which way we were going, that he wanted to carry the things which had been given to him by Parrish. Potter said that he expected Parrish and his boys would be brought back. I told Potter that we were going south to come on the state road south of the field. Potter then started off, and I went into Parrish's house. The boys, Beason and Orrin got their things and we started and went south until we came to Centre street, then we turned west and passed through the west gate, and then turned south until we came to the first corner of the city. We stopped then for a few minutes to look for some things that I had left there, and my gun. While we were there we heard a gun fired ; the boys asked what the gun was fired for, I told them I thought it was Potter or their father, who was waiting for them ; and the boys said then we had better go on. We started and went a south-east course across the field till we came to the state road. We got into the state road and traveled south, and when we came to Dry Creek or Dry Hollow, I spoke for Potter. I called Duff! and no one answered. We traveled on until we came near the corner, and I called Duff again, I think twice. I heard some one speak, but I could not tell by the voice who it was, it was a very low sound. Just as the person spoke, there was a gun fired near the corner of the fence. The ball hit Beason Parrish. I and the two Parrish boys were walking abreast, I was near the fence, and Orrin was next to me, and Beason was outside near the middle of the wagon track. Beason was west of myself and Orrin, and the shot came from the south-east. The shot struck Beason and he fell. I sprang back to the right and Orrin passed behind me. I spoke out at the time but I don't recollect the words I said. Beason made some noise after he fell. Then they fired again from the fence, and I started west into the hollow where it crosses the street. Orrin started back north. While I was in the hollow I saw some one who started after Orrin. This person sprang from the fence just as I was going to the hollow. As he came into the street partly on the run, he shot; from the flash of the gun it appeared to be pointed north. This person called me. He said : "Durfee, you need not be afraid, it was all right." He started then right on towards the city. I got over the fence into the same field. We came out and I went back north towards the city. I went into the city through the south gate. After I got into the city this man that I saw in the road with the gun, came to me and said that he had done the job ; he said that I need not be afraid of him, because he said he would not hurt me. This man was William Bird. I went on until I came to the bridge, and met Cyrus Sandford and told him there had been some shooting ; that I believed Beason was shot. Sandford then took me into custody, and took me to the Bishop's yard, and called for the Captain of the police, H. Carnes, and delivered me into his charge, and I remained there till about eleven o'clock at night.

            William Bird after I left him went right into the Bishop's house. Bird's clothes were somewhat bloody. I don't know what went on the balance of the

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evening. Bird washed the blood off his clothes, and he and Wilber Earl went away soon together, from the Bishop's. I saw the blood on Bird's clothes. William Bird told me a short time afterwards, that he was called on by Potter to go out there with him, and to do this deed that had been committed ; he did not tell me who was with him but Potter and himself.

            Sanford Fuller a month or two after, told me he had been on to go, but did not go. He said Potter had borrowed his gun to go with Bird told me that after he went out with Potter, that Potter went and found Parrish, and that they came down to the corner together, and that he, Bird, was lying in the corner of the fence. He, Bird, said he shot Potter, as Parrish and Potter walked along the fence, supposing him to be Parrish : that after he, Bird, had shot, he got up and stepped out to where Parrish stood, and Parrish spoke and wanted to know if it was he that had shot. He said that Parrish had his gun in his hand and laid it down, and they, Parrish and Bird, clinched together. As they clinched, Bird drew his knife, and worked the best he could in stabbing Parrish. Bird said, after Parrish was down he gave him a lick which cut his throat. He never said anything about any other person's being there, helping him. Bird said, after he got through with the old man, he took Potter's gun and his own, and got into the corner of the fence again, to be ready for us. He said he laid there till we came up the two Parrish boys and myself. Then he said he fired and he saw one fall ; he said he was afraid the one he had shot would run off and he fired at him again.

            When Orrin and I started, he said he came out from the fence and shot at Orrin ; he said he ran me, or he supposed it was me, when I ran into the hollow. He asked me if I heard him call for me. I told him I did. He wanted to know why I did not come to him. I told him that I did not like to, that I did not know what it meant in regard to their shooting.

            The next morning after the murder I heard Bishop Johnson and Bird talking together, and he blamed Bird and Potter for not going further away with them.

            The Bishop said he wanted I should be satisfied about the affair, and not tell who was in it, that if I did, they would serve me in the same way. I did not know that the Parrishes were to be killed. I supposed from what Potter told me that they were to be brought back. In the second meeting which I attended Bishop Johnson said there were some of them that would see the blood run. It was William Bird that called me Durfee. Bishop Johnson, some two or three days before this murder, told me to take a gun out with me.

            The young Parrishes had no gun.

            About three weeks or a month after the Parrishes were killed, Wilber J. Earl told me he guessed the folks now would think he was a true prophet. I had some idea of leaving, but I did not expect to leave with the Parrishes. My object in going out with the Parrishes was to get them clear of the police, out of the city. When I was put in Games' custody on the night of the murder, Carnes called on Ogias Strong to keep me until Carnes got some other person to take charge of me. Carnes left me and went off about other matters.

            The Parrish boys said they took the bridle and gloves and things to trade off on the road for provisions.

            The next morning when the hearing of myself and Orrin Parrish was before John M. Stewart, I knew that Bird was the man, but I was afraid to state it. Bishop Johnson told me that morning what evidence I should give ; and

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he said if I told what I learned that night, they would send me the same way; I stated to the justice what the Bishop told me to say.

(Signed) ABRAHAM DURFEE,

            Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 1st day of April, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF THOMAS O'BANNION.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

City of Provo, Utah County.       )  

            Thomas O'Bannion, being duly sworn, deposes and says : I lived in a room adjoining the Parrishes. Parrish didn't keep much of a store, but sold things to persons coming there. Horses and carriage were taken a few days before the murder ; got two of the horses back. Parrish told me three or four days before the murder that he had had a terrible dream, and should be murdered in his own house if he did not leave soon ; wrote on a paper that his life had been threatened by Earl and McDonald. One the night of the murder several persons came in front of Parrishes ; some went in. I heard Carnes ask for Orrin ; he said he had a writ for him. They afterwards came into my house and asked for Parrish ; I asked which Parrish ; Carnes replied, " any Parrish." They then searched my house and granary. H. H. Games, Lehi Curtis, Moses Daley, Sanford Fuller, Richard Bird, Henry Rollins and William Johnson were there. Carnes said they must make a clean sweep or search of it ; said he always did what he undertook. My best recollection is that the words used were, a clean sweep of it. Did not hear of the murder until the next evening. Went out of town to work in the morning. Didn't say why they wanted Parrish. Curtis and Fuller appeared excited when they were making the search ; when they opened my granary door Fuller cocked his gun.

            Moses Daley came to me a few days before the murder, and told me to tell Parrish if he did not settle that matter between Beason and Bullock his blood would pay the debt. And further deponent saith not.

[Signed] THOMAS O'BANNION.

            Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 1st day of April, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH, Judge, &c.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF ----- PHILLIPS.

 

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

Provo City, Utah County.          ) ss.

            ---------- Phillips, being duly sworn, deposes and says : I live in Provo. On the Sunday night of the murder I was at a meeting in the street in Provo. President Snow, President of this State [sic], and others, preached from a wagon. Their preaching about that time was pretty much about apostates and persons going to leave the Territory, and how they would be disposed of. After the meeting Pres. Snow inquired if there was anybody going to Springville that day. A man by the name of Nethercot said he was going. Nethercot went up, and Snow handed him a letter, and told him he wanted it to be de-

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livered to Bishop Johnson that day without fail, and remarked that dead men tell no tales. Nethercot took the letter. And further deponent saith not.

(Signed) ---------- PHILLIPS.

            Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 1st day of April 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH, Judge, &c.

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MURDER OF HENRY JONES AND HIS MOTHER.

Affidavit of Nathaniel Case.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

Cedar County.                          ) ss.

            Nathaniel Case, being sworn, says : That he has resided in the Territory of Utah since the year 1850. Lived with Bishop Hancock, (Charles Hancock,) in the town of Payson, at the time Henry Jones and his mother were murdered, about the 13th of April, 1858. The night prior to the murder a secret council meeting was held in the upper chamber of Bishop Hancock's house ; saw Charles Hancock, George W. Hancock, Daniel Rawson, James Bracken, George Patten and Price Nelson go into that meeting that night. Meetings had been held pretty regularly for three weeks before the last one at the same place. I was not in any of the meetings ; I boarded at the Bishop's. About eight o'clock in the evening of the murder the company gathered at Bishop Hancock's ; the same persons I have named above were in the company. They said they were going to guard a corral, where Henry Jones was going to come that night and steal horses ; they had guns.

            I had a good Minie rifle, and Bishop Hancock wanted to borrow it ; I refused to lend it to him. The above persons all went away together ; I don't know what time they got back. Next morning I heard that Henry Jones and his mother had been killed. I went down to the dug-out where they lived when the sun was about an hour high. The old woman was lying on the ground in the dug-out on a little straw in the clothes in which she was killed ; she had a ballet hole through her head, entering near the center of the forehead. In about fifteen or twenty minutes Henry Jones was brought there and laid by her side ; they then threw some old bed-clothes over them, and an old feather bed, and then pulled the dug-out on top of them. The dug-out was built on level ground a hole about twelve feet square dug to the depth of five feet, a ridge pole running from the centre, back, three feet above the level of the ground ; small poles are then laid up close together, running from the sides up on to the ridge pole, so that the dirt won't fall through. The dirt taken out of the hole is thrown back on to the poles for a roof, and steps cut down into the end like cellar steps for entrance. There are a great many such houses occupied by poor people in this county who are not able to build houses, and who never will while they stay here.

            The next Sunday after the murder, in a church meeting in Payson, Charles Hancock, the Bishop, said ; as to the killing of Jones and his mother, he cared nothing about it, and it would have been done in daylight if circumstances would have permitted it. This was said from the stand ; there were one hundred and fifty or two hundred persons present. He gave no reason for killing them. And further saith not.

NATHANIEL CASE.

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            Sworn to and signed before me this 9th day of April, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF ANDREW J. MOORE.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

2d. Judicial District,                  ) ss :

Provo City.                                )

            Andrew J. Moore being duly sworn, says as follows: I live in Pondtown, in Utah Co. ; I had lived there only a few days, and sometime in the night in the month of April, 1858, I cannot recollect the day of the mouth, there was an alarm raised in the night between 12 and 2 o'clock. Heard the alarm to raise the Fort; I jumped up and run out without dressing. I saw nothing and went back into the house to dress myself. I thought at the time it was a break of the Indians. After dressing I went out again and Henry Jones had just come in, and I went to where the people had gathered, and the persons, two or three men, strangers to me, were just taking Henry Jones out of the fort. I did not go outside of the fort, which is now called Pondtown, until the next morning, and then I saw Henry Jones lying dead in the middle of the road about eighty rods west from the fort. The sun was then about an hour high. About ten or fifteen minutes after the persons left the fort with Henry Jones, I heard the report of a gun, I think I heard four reports inside of two minutes. The reports were in the direction that Jones was found, and appeared to have been fired about where the dead body was found. I saw three bullet holes in the body of Jones, two of them were in his side and one of them in his head. The report was that the persons who took Jones out of the fort came from the town of Payson, which is about three miles in a westerly direction from Pondtown. I was not acquainted in Payson; I had gone from Provo to live at Pondtown shortly before that. I do not know anything about the mother of Henry Jones and I do not know anything about the burial of Jones; I never heard of any inquest being held on the body of Jones.

(Signed.) ANDREW J. MOORE.

            Sworn and subscribed before me, this 29th day of March, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF THOMAS HOLLINGSHEAD.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      ) ss .

Utah County.                           )  

            Thomas Hollingshead being duly sworn, says: I reside in Pondtown, Utah County ; was in Pondtown to the time Henry Jones was murdered. In the night, between midnight and daylight, a year ago in the coming April, we were alarmed; we supposed the Indians had made an attack upon the outposts of the town. We, that is, affiant and his son, and others jumped up and ran out; directly we heard the cry of murder; when we got out into the yard the man came up and said they were after him to kill him; said, where shall I go I where shall I hide from them? About this time his pursuers came up. He then ran there, and made a bolt into a house of Mr. Lycurgus Wilson, jumping

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over a bed where a woman was lying, on the floor, and tried to secrete himself in the House. Wilson brought him out of the house ; the leading man of the pursuers said "lay hold of that man!" said to be a constable from Payson; they called him George. I have since seen him; it is George W. Hancock; he told them to disarm Jones, Jones had a pistol and knife but did not offer to use them. He was disarmed -- there was no charge in the pistol.

            I noticed blood running from his arm; he said they had shot him in the pursuit. The ball went through his arm below the elbow ; one or two persons came up with George ; I never heard who they were, it was kept dark nothing said about it.

            Some one spoke and wanted to know what they were going to do with the man. George said, I know what I am going to do with him. Some one said this horse stealing has got to be stopped. They passed out in the direction of Payson. Payson is distant two miles.

            We went into the house and I was talking the matter over with my son ; in about fifteen minutes after we went in we heard the report of fire-arms, three or four shots in succession appeared to be pistol shots from the report; at which time we went to the door. About five or ten minutes after, some one came up and said they had shot the man. I went over and found him lying in the road; two balls had taken effect in his body and one in his head. The persons who had him in custody had fled. The body was taken away in the morning. Report says that the mother of Jones at Payson while sitting in her own house at the time these persons were pursuing Jones.

THOMAS HOLLINGSHEAD.

            Sworn and signed before me, this 29th day of March, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH.

Judge, &c.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF ABNER M. HOLLINGSHEAD.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )  

Utah County.                           ) ss.

            Abner M. Hollingshead being sworn, says: I lived at Pondtown at the time Jones was murdered. Heard unusual noise in the night; went out of my house, stepped back and dressed. Noise approached. A person entered the fort, stating that he was pursued and asked for a hiding place. Mr. Lycurgus Wilson asked him what was the matter. The man gave no satisfactory answer. Two men suddenly came running up shouting, arrest that man; suppose one of them to be George W. Hancock, judging from his voice ; don't know who the other man was. The two men took the other out towards Payson, the same way he came in. Afterwards heard that the man was Henry Jones. Ten minutes after the two men left, heard the report of fire-arms in the direction they went, heard four shots, three shots in quick succession, the fourth shot a minute later. Heard Hancock was an officer at Payson ; saw a dead body next morning about eighty rods from the fort ; the body was taken to Payson. No inquest was held at Pondtown; no person called to give evidence. Body was lying in the road in the direction from which I heard the shots. Saw blood lying in the road. Occurred in spring. I am a farmer. At that time but part of the crop was in. And further deponent saith not.

(Signed) ABNER M. HOLLINGSHEAD.

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            Subscribed and sworn to, before me, this 29th day of March, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

__________

AFFIDAVIT OF AMOS B. MOOR.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

Second Judicial District,             ) ss.      

City of Provo.                            )

            Amos B. Moor being duly sworn, says as follows: I live at Pondtown, Utah county. One night in the month of April, 1858 can't recollect the day, an alarm was raised in the fort, and I was awakened by the guard. When I got up and went out into the fort, some men, can't tell how many, nor who they were, had just taken a man out of the fort; heard afterwards that his name was Henry Jones. After standing there ten or fifteen minutes I heard the report of a gun or pistol in a westerly direction, on the road to Payson. I judged the distance to be seventy-five or one hundred rods from the fort. I heard four shots in pretty quick succession.

            In about half an hour after I heard the shots I went out in company with some other persons, don't recollect their names to see what was the shooting about I saw a man lying crossways in the middle of the road ; he was dead ; it was Henry Jones ; I was told that was his name.

            I don't know that any inquest was held on his body; I heard afterwards that a man named Hatch took the body to Payson. I don't know anything about Henry Jones' mother, nor about the burial of Jones. I had just a short time before that moved to Pondtown from Provo.

            I heard that the men who took Jones from Pondtown had come from Payson ; this was a report only, I knew nothing of it of my own knowledge.

            I went out again at daylight and saw Jones again ; I saw two bullet holes, one in his left side and one in his head. I did not go close to the body. I understood that Mr. Hatch, Jones' step-father, so report said, came when the sun was about an hour and a half high, and took the body to Payson.

(Signed) AMOS B. MOOR.

            Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 29th day of March, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

__________

MURDER OF THE AIKENS AND OTHERS.

            The circumstances of the murder of the Aiken party is as follows :

            Two brothers, Thomas and John Aiken, well known throughout southern California, A. J. Jones well known in the State as "Honesty Jones " and three other men passed through Carson Valley in the fall of the year, 1857. Many of my constituents recollect the party very well, they designed joining the army in Utah. At Carson they fell in with a party of Mormons on their way to Salt Lake. With these Mormons they traveled to the Goose Creek Mountains, where hearing of the hostility of the Mormons, and the halt of the army on Blacks Fork, they left the Mormons, and to avoid trouble and delay cut across

65

the country leaving Ogden to the right with the hope of reaching the army. The Mormons despatched a messenger to Brigham, who sent after them. They were arrested without difficulty and taken to Salt Lake City. Two of them were murdered in the vicinity of Salt Lake. It was subsequently arranged that the remaining ones should be allowed to return to California. They were sent off in charge of Porter Rockwell, the Danite Chief. They had with them about eight thousand dollars and several valuable animals.

            The following affidavit of Alice Lamb tells the sad story of the fate of the last of them :

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

Juab County.                           ) ss.

            Alice Lamb being duly sworn, says she is fourteen years of age, has lived in the City of Nephi for two years, and in the family of John Anthony Wolf, President of one of the Church seventies, late in the fall of 1857. Porter Rockwell and four other men came from towards Salt Lake City about the middle of the afternoon into Nephi, all on horseback, it was on Friday they stopped at Mr. Foots, Mayor of the city, and got their dinner. They all left on the same afternoon on the road to California. Porter Rockwell was going to guard them through the settlement. Mr. Wolf lived right across the street from Mr. Foots. On the next morning Mr. Foots boy Ceynes came over to Mr. Wolf, and asked Mr. Wolf to come over to his fathers. Mr. Wolf said he was sick, and told Ceynes to tell his father to come over there. The boy left and shortly after Mr. Foot, (Bishop,) Jacob Bigler, brother Bryant, his first counsellor, Samuel Pitchforth, a President of one of the Seventies came over to Mr. Wolfs. They talked about two of the men that had went through the day before with Porter Rockwell. Coming back in the middle of the night, they talked about two of the men being killed, and these two escaping and getting back. They talked about ten minutes, when it was determined to take them up to Willow Creek, about eight miles north of here, and kill them. They were to pretend to the two men that they were a going to take them back to Salt Lake City. Affiant went over to Mr. Foots in the morning to get Mr. Wolf's paper. Mr. Foot is the Post master. Three families took one paper, and Mr. Foot wanted to read it first. There was a great many people there. Saw one of the men there, his face was bruised all up, his nose was mashed flat to his face, looked as though he had been beaten with a club or gun barrel. He had no shoes on and his clothes were all torn. The mail had come in during Friday night, and Mr. Wolf sent me early next morning for the paper. A little after sun up the two men were put into a wagon. James Cook and James Wolf got into the wagon. Porter Rockwell, Absalom Wolf, and Horner Brown went along as a guard, on horseback, and had guns. Started towards Willow Creek. All came back just after dinner but the two men and Porter Rockwell. After they got back James Wolf said, when they got opposite the Mud Corral on Willow Creek the two men did not want to go down to the Corral, which is four or five hundred yards from the road. We told them they must go down and get something to eat, and Reed drove down ; and after we got there, the men got out of the wagon. Our men fired at them and killed them both, then they dug a hole near the creek, and not far from the Corral, and buried them both together. Affiant never heard their names mentioned. Mr. Foot, the people say, has an ivory or pearl handled pistol that belonged to one of them. And

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Affiant has seen him most ever since riding a horse that one of the men rode. Mr. Foot says they had a heap of money, and further says not.

(Signed) ALICE LAMB.

            Sworn to and signed before me, this 30th day of May, A. D. 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH.

Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, U. S.

__________

MURDER OF FORBES.

            The New York Daily Times of August 3d, 1858, contains the following correspondence from Mr. McNeill, a Gentile, who was imprisoned in Salt Lake city, during the winter of '57 and '58, and who afterwards brought suit against Brigham Young for false imprisonment, and was himself subsequently murdered :

            "A young man, (Forbes,) whose name McNeill does not remember, came here from California last year, and went to board with a man named Terry, at Springville. Some time afterwards his revolvers were stolen from the house during the day time, and his horse carried off from the field. Terry told him that they had been carried off by Indians. On a Sunday evening, subsequent to the thefts, Terry started for the church, as he said, and the young man went out with him, which is the last time he was ever seen ; and the next day Terry was seen riding the stolen horse about town, with the pistol of deceased in his belt"

            The following affidavit explains the foregoing statement of McNeill :

Affidavit of Abraham Durfee.

TERRITORY OF UTAH,      )

Second Judicial District,             ) ss.

Provo City, Utah County.          )

            Abraham Durfee, being duly sworn, says as follows : I have resided in Springville, Utah county, U. T., for about eight years. In the latter part of January, 1858, Wilber J. Earl, came to me in Springville, and wanted me to go with him to assist him in killing Forbes. I told him that I could not go. He wanted some of the boys. He said it was orders to kill Forbes ; did not say from whom the orders came. He wanted me to come over to the north gate the evening that Forbes was to be killed ; it was Saturday that he was telling me about it, and Fortes was to be killed the next evening. The next evening (Sunday) I went over to the north gate as requested by Earl. About a half an hour of dark Earl and Sanford Fuller came with Forbes ; Wilber J. Earl ordered me to stay at the gate ; he said that they were going to Provo. I staid at the gate until Wilber J. Earl and Sanford Fuller came back, which was about midnight. They said that they had got rid of Forbes ; that was about all they told me that night. About a week afterwards Wilber J. Earl told me that they had killed Forbes down on Spring creek, about half way to Provo ; they said they shot him ; they said they had dug a hole near the creek and put him in. I don't know what became of Forbes property; I saw Forbes horse at Partial Terry's since and before Forbes death ; I don't know how Terry became pos-

67

sessed of Forbes' horse. Both Earl and Fuller told me that they had shot Forbes. I don't know where Earl or Fuller are, or either of them, at this time ; I saw Earl on the 22d inst. at last at Salt Lake city. I went with him from Springville to Salt Lake city ; we parted in the city between the Temple block and the Deseret store, and I have not seen him since. I saw Fuller last in Springville, two weeks ago last Saturday in the evening.

(Signed) ABRAHAM DURFEE.

            Sworn and subscribed before me this 1st day of April, 1859.

JOHN CRADLEBAUGH,

Judge, &c.

            (See also Bartholomew's testimony as to the death of Forbes.)

__________

HISTORY OF THE DANITE ORGANIZATION.

            In the excellent work of John Hyde, jr., upon Mormonism, we find the following account of the origin of the Danites :

            "When the citizens of Carroll and Davis counties, Missouri, began to threaten the Mormons with expulsion in 1838, a death society was organized under the direction of Sidney Rigdon, and with the sanction of Smith. Its first captain was Captain Fearnot, alias David Patton, an apostle. Its object was the punishment of the obnoxious. Some time elapsed before finding a suitable name. They desired one that should seem to combine spiritual authority with a suitable sound. Micah, iv, 13, furnished the first name, 'Arise and thresh, daughter of Zion ; for I will make thy horn iron and thy hoofs brass; and thou shalt beat in pieces many people ; and I will consecrate their gain unto, the Lord, and their substance unto the Lord of the whole earth.' This furnished them with a pretext; it accurately described their intentions, and they called themselves the ' Daughters of Zion.' Some ridicule was made at these bearded and bloody 'daughters,' and the name did not sit easily. 'Destroying Angels' came next; the ' Big Fan ' of the thresher, that should thoroughly purge the floor, was tried and dropped. Gen. xlix, 17, furnished the name they finally assumed. The verse is quite significant: 'Dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path that biteth the horse's heele, so that his rider shall fall backward.' The 'Sons of Dan' (or the Danites) was the style they adopted. Many have been the times that they have been adders in the path, and many has fallen backward, and has been seen no more.

            " At Salt Lake, among themselves, they ferociously exult in these things rather seek to deny or extenuate them."