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Nevada's Online State News Journal
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Nevada History:[From James G. Scrugham, Nevada: The Narrative of the Conquest of a Frontier Land (1935), vol. I, pp. 266-307] XII THE BRADLEY ADMINISTRATION, 1871-78 RISE AND DECLINE OF THE BONANZAS The Federal census of 1870 showed the population of Nevada distributed among the different counties as follows : Churchill---------------------------196 Douglas--------------------------1,215 Elko------------------------------3,447 Esmeralda-----------------------1,553 Humboldt-----------------------1,916 Lander---------------------------2,815 Lincoln--------------------------2,985 Lyon-----------------------------1,837 Nye------------------------------1,087 Ormsby-------------------------3,668 Roop-------------------------------133 Storey--------------------------11,359 Washoe-------------------------3,091 White Pine---------------------7,189 The total population of the state at that time was 42,491. Over three-fourths of the population was of the male sex - 32,379 males, 10,112 females. There were 357 "colored" and 3,152 Chinese. As in all mining states the population of Nevada was extremely fluid. Except in a few localities where there was a balance between agriculture, industry and trade, the statistics of population were subject to considerable variation not only from decade to decade but from year to year. Thus the census of 1870 found approximately 13,500 persons within the three new counties of Elko, Lincoln and White Pine. [1]266 NEVADA 267 For purposes of immediate comparison the figure for the state census of 1875 are given: Churchill---------------------------240 Douglas--------------------------1,637 Esmeralda-----------------------1,266 Elko------------------------------3,401 Eureka---------------------------4,302 Humboldt-----------------------2,156 Lander---------------------------2,313 Lincoln--------------------------2,600 Lyon-----------------------------1,974 Nye------------------------------1,631 Ormsby-------------------------2,526 Storey--------------------------18,053 Washoe-------------------------3,672 White Pine---------------------2,386 The figures given above are for the white population only. In Storey County alone there were 1,254 Chinese males and eighty-seven Chinese females. The results of this state census were published in the appendix to the Journals of Senate and Assembly of the Eighth Session of the Legislature, and the tables purport to contain the name of every person a resident in Nevada June 1, 1875, but the census takers almost invariably enumerated the Chinese as simply "Chinamen." In most of the reports the Chinaman is given a line to himself, but the enumerator in Churchill County contented himself with abbreviating this part of his task as follows : "Thirty-five Chinamen—was not able to get their names." Nativity Statistics The state of one's birth does not necessarily establish one's political and social views. In accounts of Nevada's political history, even until the late '70s, frequent reference is made to the influence of the "southern element." It was claimed that a large element in the Democratic party was made up of men who "sympathized with or had assisted the Southern Confederacy." 1a Whatever may have been the strength of "southern sympathy," the census records of 1875 reveal the fact that Nevada then had only a scattering few persons who had been born in any of the "cotton states." Only here and there will be found a native of Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, or the Gulf states. Even Storey County, perhaps the most cosmopolitan of all the counties, had few natives from any of the states south of the Ohio River. The men who raised the Confederate flag and otherwise made their influence felt in public affairs during the early '60s either eluded the census takers of 1875 or, what is more probable, had been secessionists by principle or policy and not "to the manner born."268 NEVADA The Federal census for 1870 gives some figures as to "nativity" for selected states. At that time Nevada, though settled only a few years, had an impressive number of native sons and daughters. The figures for state nativity given in the census records are: Nevada N. Y. Calif. Ohio Penn. Illinois Churchill--------26 22 10 12 7 9 Douglas--------240 66 52 45 23 59 Elko------------ 144 321 152 186 163 107 Esmeralda-----145 105 86 99 62 66 Humboldt-------93 131 89 152 75 65 Lander---------206 232 112 109 113 93 Lincoln--------192 241 46 126 94 135 Lyon----------- 179 130 98 61 56 40 Nye-------------- 63 117 38 68 33 36 Ormsby--------352 209 182 104 90 81 Roop-------------- 2 13 13 14 9 12 Storey--------1244 742 909 363 332 170 Washoe--------342 235 239 159 84 113 White Pine----128 701 364 360 295 158 [picture] EARLY DAY VIEW ON SOUTH VIRGINIA STREET, RENO NEVADA 269 While Nevada's population in 1870 exhibited scarcely a trace of the "southerners," it was composed of a large admixture of those foreign elements (not counting the Chinese) which have been the most important in the melting pot of our nation. The chief foreign countries contributing their natives to the population of Nevada at that time are shown in the following table: British England Sweden & Switzer- America Wales Ireland Scotland Germany France Norway China land Mexico Denmark Churchill--------15 6 5 3 10 --- --- 16 --- --- --- Douglas 119 79 55 20 97 4 7 23 2 3 1 Elko------------ 170 154 241 54 198 26 34 439 15 1 20 Esmeralda-------65 70 148 19 77 13 12 56 3 3 3 Humboldt-------51 203 171 26 91 39 9 220 5 3 5 Lander----------- 91 83 288 24 150 26 19 218 15 27 12 Lincoln---------- 79 238 230 42 70 18 28 23 5 7 51 Lyon----------- 147 134 222 34 106 24 13 116 27 12 3 Nye-------------- 48 46 91 20 40 17 7 6 9 11 12 Ormsby--------380 168 243 60 145 19 18 767 24 8 19 Roop--------------4 1 5 1 3 --- --- 4 --- 1 --- Storey----------486 981 2155 172 613 113 60 745 82 96 23 Washoe--------256 115 210 36 136 24 8 221 22 3 13 White Pine----454 572 971 119 445 91 82 292 38 51 43 270 NEVADA Western Political Issues This population, from the four corners of the globe, had come into Nevada within a few years. The men outnumbered the women three to one. Most of them were young. In the tabulations of ages given in the state census of 1875, most of the mature men and women are in their twenties and thirties, very few over fifty. In a new state people are concerned primarily with local issues. They fall into the political groups of the older states, but pay little respect to the old political catch words and slogans. In the East it was possible to corral voters by "waving the bloody shirt." Pacific Coast people were only moderately interested in Civil war and reconstruction issues. [picture] SOUTH ON VIRGINIA STREET FROM THIRD STREET Nevada was a "war-born" state. Its first representatives in Congress were needed at Washington to support the Union-Republican administration. It gave majorities to the Republican candidates for President in 1868, 1872 and 1876. For all this, in state elections the division of the vote was surprisingly even. In Nevada as well as in California voters showed a disposition to divide not on national lines but on issues peculiar to the Pacific Coast. Prominent among these issues were the restriction of Chinese labor, the rising power of the labor unions, and the revolt against the dominance of railroad and mining corporations. While the East was trying to settle the reconstruction problem by giving the vote to the negro, the Pacific Coast was beginning to favor a modified doctrine of state's rights by asking that the regulation of the suffrage should be left to the individual states. The East might accept the doctrine of negro political equality, but the West was practically unanimous in denying political and other rights to the Asiatics who constituted the race problem here. Chinese exclu- NEVADA 271 sion and the eight hour day for American labor were important political planks in the platform of the Democratic party of California when that state elected its first Democrat to the office of governor in 1867. Thus for some time before the liberal and radical factions began undermining the strength of the national Republican party, there were notable instances of democratic success in the far West. Election of 1870 In the Nevada state election of November, 1870, the Republican and Democratic forces reached an equilibrium, and those elected to office were apparently the beneficiary of some special factors such as personal popularity. The democratic candidate for governor, L. R. Bradley, won over the Republican, F. A. Tritle, by a vote of 7,200 to 6,149. Charles W. Kendall was the first Democrat to represent Nevada in Congress. [2] The Democrats also elected the lieutenant governor, the state treasurer, and the judge of the Supreme Court, John Garber. The Fifth Legislature, which convened in 1871, had ten Democrats and twelve Republicans in the Senate, twenty-two Democrats and twenty-two Republicans in the Assembly, and there was also one independent senator and two independent members of the Assembly.It was eight years before the Republicans regained their ascendancy in the state. This period, which may be referred to for convenience as the Bradley administrations, brought Nevada to the peak of its production as a mineral state ; saw its chief prizes in politics battled for by the men who had made their millions on the Comstock or in the speculations growing out of it ; and gave prominence to social and economic problems which were destined to remain live issues in the West for many years to come. 272 NEVADA The Comstock at Its Peak. This was a period of abundant wealth, of overflowing prosperity for both the state and its people. The glory of the Comstock came to its culmination. The steady production of silver and gold, as the chief industry of the state, practically removed Nevada from the financial and economic paralysis and disorders of the otherwise nation-wide depression that began in 1873. The average price of silver declined, it is true, but very slowly. The London price per ounce in 1865 was $1.338, and in 1880 it was $1.145. No doubt, as was frequently charged, the Nevada mines helped swell the fortunes of men outside the state. Nevertheless, in the development of the mines and the working of the ores, immense sums were distributed locally to the capital account of machinery and improvements, in high wages to thousands of miners, millwrights, carpenters, timber men and others engaged in work directly associated with the mines, while thousands of others benefited indirectly in the retail trade and in the immense quantities of supplies from shops and fields that were carried to the mining centers. All other business was keyed to that of mining. Trade and agriculture were prosperous or depressed in proportion as the mining districts were flourishing or inactive. This condition explains in part at least why Nevada exhibited such tender consideration in taxing the proceeds of the mines. To do anything to discourage or drive away capital from the exploitation of the mineral resources was feared as a death blow to permanent prosperity. In 1869 the receipts of state revenue from all sources had been a little over $400,000. During the same year the net receipts into the treasury from the tax on the proceeds of mines approximated about $55,000. The approximate figures showing the annual assessment of real and personal property in the state during the first ten years of statehood were as follows : 1865 $18,698,000 1866 17,650,000 1867 19,203,000 1868 18,834,000 1869 26,187,000 1870 19,698,000 1871 20,901,000 1872 22,879,000 1873 26,866,000 1874 26,630,000 1875 29,240,000 In 1871 the gross amount of state and county taxes assessed against this valuation was $744,000; and in 1875, $858,000. In 1871 the gross yield of all the mines in the state was a little over $20,000,000, nearly as large as the assessed value of real and personal property. But on this gross yield of $20,000,000 the valuation on which taxes were levied was considerably less than 40 per cent, or about $7,856,000, while the gross amount of state and county taxes obtained was less than $180,000. Taxing Mine Proceeds A new method of arriving at the net proceeds of mines had been devised by the act of February 28, 1871. These net proceeds were to represent what remained after a deduction from the ores, NEVADA 273 tailings and mineral-bearing material of the actual cost of extracting the ores or minerals from the mine ; the actual cost of saving tailings ; actual cost of transportation to the place of reduction or sale, and the actual cost of the reduction or sale. But the total amount of deductions allowable could not be over 90 per cent in the case of ores whose gross yield or value was twelve dollars per ton or less ; 80 per cent in ores with a gross yield of twelve-thirty dollars per ton ; 60 per cent in thirty dollar-one hundred dollar ores ; and 50 per cent in ores running above one hundred dollars a ton. It was claimed that under this law the amount of bullion that escaped taxation was very materially increased. Nevertheless, and perhaps as a consequence of the tremendous increased volume of mineral production, the revenues from the mine proceeds tax steadily increased during the first five years of the decade. This is shown in the following table, taken from the state [picture] OLD SIERRA NEVADA MINE, VIRGINIA CITY controller's annual report of January, 1877, the figures in the first column showing the gross yield of the mines of the state, those in the second column the valuation on which taxes were levied, and in the third column the gross amount of state and county taxes for the year. (Figures as given are in round numbers) . 1871 $20,000,000 $ 7,856,000 $179,000 1872 23,800,000 10,133,000 243,000 1873 32,671,000 15,538,000 296,000 1874 29,596,000 13,323,000 231,000 1875 35,224,000 17,409,000 273,000 Nevada was getting nearly five times as much revenue from the proceeds of the mines in 1875 as in 1868. Whether or not the mine owners were paying their proper share of the cost of state and local government, these figures are an index to the power wielded by the mine owners in the state's affairs. When the annual production of a single industry exceeds in value that assessed against all other forms of property, then those who control that 274 NEVADA industry are almost certain to dominate the political and economic interests of the state. In a single year, from 1870 to 1871, the bullion assessments in the state increased by more than eight million dollars. While more than half of this increase was in Storey County, Elko, Lander, Lincoln and Nye counties more than doubled their bullion assessment during the year. Every assessment of taxes against this bullion decreased by that amount the returns to the owners. It was a tax "at the source," and one which could not be passed on to the consumer. A current explanation of the time as to how the mine interests sought to avoid these exactions, with particular reference to the influences that brought about the passage of the act of 1871, described above, is the following. [3]In November, 1870, the Crown Point and Belcher "bonanzas" were discovered, those mines being the property of William Sharon, of the California Bank, and his friends. The unprecedented prosperity of mines all over the state combined to help give owners an overshadowing influence upon legislation. . . . Another strong incentive was thrown into the scale for exemption of mining products. The Legislature of 1869 had, in February, authorized Storey County to issue $300,000 in bonds, to be given to the Virginia and Truckee Railroad Company. A levy of one-half of 1 per cent was to be made yearly upon the property of the county to pay interest upon those bonds and to create a sinking fund for accumulating moneys out of which to pay them off eventually. The Crown Point, Belcher, Savage, in fact nearly all the mines on the Comstock, were under the control of the California Bank stockholders at that time. They consequently had a strong incentive for freeing, as far as lay in their power, this class of property from the burden of that debt. An additional motive was added, in the fact, that the same parties to whom the bonds were given and who owned the railroad, also controlled those best paying mines; and they objected to having their bullion taxed into this county sinking and interest fund, out of which they were to be paid. The Silver Craze While all the nation east of the Rocky Mountains was in the grip of a tremendous panic, with business prostrate, with banks failing by the score, with railroads going into receivership and all new construction work stopped, the Pacific Coast was in a fever of speculative prosperity centered at the mining stock exchange in San Francisco and proceeding largely from the production of the silver mines of Nevada. The coolest heads were being turned by this silver craze which reached its climax in the '70s. Tremendously rich ore deposits were discovered in the Crown Point and Belcher mines in 1872, and about the same time there was a big strike in the Raymond and Ely mine at Pioche. While the opening of new mines was capable of sustaining the aggregate volume for a period of approximately eight years, there were local fluctuations within this period which made the fortunes of communities and individuals as ephemeral as the flowers that sometimes spring up on the Nevada desert after a rain. In 1872, for example, to quote the state mineralogist, "the period of Lincoln County's great- NEVADA 275 est prosperity, the returns showed a production of $5,500,000 worth of bullion, while in 1875 the yield was scarcely one-fifth of that sum." Pioche, a close neighbor to the old Mormon agricultural community of Panaca, had a population of over 1,500 in 1870, had acquired the honor of being the county seat, had attracted hundreds if not thousands after the discovery of 1872, and then quickly subsided, so that its population at the end of 1876 was reported to be about 750. This was perhaps a typical illustration of similar changes that were being manifested in the out-lying portions of the state. But these were only minor features of the tremendous phenomena centering at the Comstock Lode. It was the stocks of the Comstock companies which attracted the greatest attention on the boards of the mining exchanges. Apparently the wealth of the Comstock was inexhaustible. The oldest bonanzas on the Comstock had been steadily producing for over a dozen years and new ones were being constantly opened. The following table gives the names of some of the more prominent of these mines, the date of discovery and the total estimated production up to August, 1877. [4]Ophir No. 1----------------------1859 $ 5,210,000 Gold and Curry, Savage-------1860 30,881,397 Gold Hill-------------------------1863 26,340,762 Yellow Jacket, Kentuck, Crown Point---------------------1864 13,389,068 Belcher --------------------------1864 1,901,117 Chollar, Potosi------------------1865 13,985,415 Overman-------------------------1866 1,578,388 Hale and Norcross--------------1866 7,822,233 Sierra Nevada-------------------1868 883,108 Crown Point-Belcher-----------1871 58,110,240 World Influence of Comstock The importance of the Comstock is not to be measured alone in its output of ore. "The Comstock Lode has been called the mining school of the world and so it seems, for the training acquired there was considered a fitting equipment for foremen, superintendents and managers, who were called all over the world to take charge of similar extensive operations." [5] Here many of primitive Mexican methods as developed in the placer mining regions of California had to be radically modified. As the miners burrowed deeper and deeper into the mountain side they discarded one by one the early features of quartz-mining practice. At the Ophir mine was installed the first steam hoist. "The almost insurmountable difficulties experienced in supporting a large excavation in the weak rock masses, led to the invention of a system of timbering, which at first met with considerable opposition, owing to the expense, but was ultimately generally adopted in all of the mines of the Lode, and has since found wide application in practically all kinds of metal mines the world over. This method of timbering is known as square-setting, owing to the manner in which the timbers are framed together in the square or rectangu-276 NEVADA lar sets. This form of timber support is said to have been devised by Mr. P. Deidesheimer of the Ophir mine in 1860." [6]Mining Kings Adolph Sutro's daring conception of a great tunnel to drain and ventilate the mines was another contribution to mining practice that originated at the Comstock. While conditions at the Comstock provided a fertile field for the development of the inventive and technical genius of mining experts, they offered still greater opportunities for the practical, "from the ground up" type of men, some of whom had come into the mines as common laborers, others as prospectors and speculators, men who rose to the top through sheer force of will or remarkable capacity for getting things done. These were the men who dominated the practical and the speculative phases of the mining industry on the Pacific Coast. Some of them became fabulously rich and about their names have accumulated a cloud of stories and myths befitting the legendary heroes of an earlier and less sophisticated age. One of these romantic figures of the rich West was James G. Fair, who was born in Ireland December 3, 1831, was brought to the United States at the age of twelve, and in 1850 reached California. He became dissatisfied with the uncertainties of placer mining, and turned his attention to the more stable operations involved in quartz mining. He was a superintendent of quartz mines in California before going to the Comstock. In 1865 he was made superintendent of the Ophir mines and in 1867 of the Hale and Norcross. In the Hale and Norcross he became associated with John W. Mackay, another Irishman, four years his junior. Mackay was born at Dublin November 28, 1835, and came to America at the age of fifteen. He was working in the mines of California in 1852. He gained a good practical and technical knowledge of mining and before he was thirty had made and lost a fair fortune. He came to Nevada in 1860, continuing mining and prospecting in the face of almost continual disappointment. For a time he worked at the Comstock for four dollars a day. New Bonanzas In 1869 Fair and Mackay joined forces for the development of the old Hale and Norcross mine. By deepening the old shaft and running new levels they brought about a largely increased production. Either as a result of "lucky guesses" or their accurate judgment as to the interior composition of this great lode, they discovered the greatest of all the big bonanzas while drifting from the 1,500-foot level into what was supposed to be the last country rock. To pay for this work for development fifteen assessments were levied between April, 1869, and June, 1873, amounting in the aggregate to nearly half a million dollars. In order to finance their development work, Mackay and Fair had secured assistance from James C. Flood and William S. O'Brien. Flood and O'Brien in the early years of San Francisco had been retail liquor dealers on Washington Street, and from that began to dabble in mining stocks, out of which came their immense fortunes. NEVADA 277 These associates on January 11, 1872, took charge of the property known as the Consolidated Virginia Mine, at which time James G. Fair was elected superintendent and systematic prospecting commenced. Controlling about 3,000 feet of the Comstock vein north of the Hale and Norcross, they sent into this an exploring drift. In the face of a steady decline in the market price of the stock, the work was continued. In the summer of 1873 the first profitable ore bodies were reached. Soon afterward the capital stock of the company was increased to $10,800,000 and in 1873 the property was divided, part of it being transferred to the California Mining Company, at which time seven-twelfths of one share of the California Company stock was paid to each share of the Consolidated Virginia as a stock dividend. On May 7, 1874, the com- [picture] CON. VIRGINIA MINERS, VIRGINIA CITY In early days when the miner's lamp was a candle in a lantern. pany declared its first dividend, three dollars a share, but not until the summer of 1874 was the extent and value of the great discovery appreciated by the outside public. The immediate response was the rise of the stock of these two mines from a par value of $100 to $580. The immense ore body uncovered was declared to contain ore to the value of $1,500,000,000. During 1875 the product of the Consolidated Virginia was "greater than that of all the other mines on the Comstock combined ; it was almost twice as great as that of all the rest of the mines in the state outside of Storey County. . . . . This is the most productive silver mine that has ever been discovered." [7] During 1873 the Consolidated Virginia produced over $300,000 in gold and $300,000 in silver, while in 1875 the production rose to an excess of $7,000,000 in gold and over $9,600,000 in silver, or an aggregate of $16,700,000. The president of the mine reported that regular monthly dividends had been paid, aggregating $27,000,000. In addition, the California mine had begun paying dividends in 1876 and yielded bullion to the value of $13,400,000 in that year.Production from the new bonanzas as well as some of the old came to afford assurance that as long as silver was one of the valu- 278 NEVADA able commodities in the markets of the world, the regions in the vicinity of these mines would prosper and attain a high level of civilized comforts and culture. The spectre of overproduction had not yet threatened the white metal. But great as the production was, it was not sufficient as a foundation to sustain the amazing structure of stocks built up by the financial promoters and manipulators who used the engraved paper representing ownership of a share in these mines to feed the fires of speculation until it had burned not only the unlucky outsiders, but many of the fortunate insiders. Fair and Mackay were both practical mining men, [8] but many of their associates were concerned only with the financial transactions involved in the promotion of mining securities and the buying and selling of stocks. For all practical purposes the destiny of the Comstock was controlled, not in Virginia City, but in San Francisco.Speculators War William C. Ralston was a San Francisco man who helped shape early Nevada history. He had gone to California as agent of a New York company. His financial ability attracted the attention of D. O. Mills and other capitalists, who invited him to join them in founding the Bank of California. Ralston succeeded Mills as president of that institution, and at the zenith of his prosperity in 1874 was one of the great financial figures of San Francisco. William Sharon, a native of Ohio, left a budding law practice in Illinois to go to California, and engaged in real estate speculation at San Francisco. He had lived in San Francisco fifteen years and was possessed of only small wealth when Ralston made him the agent of the Bank of California at Virginia City. Thus Sharon became the personal representative of Ralston and the Bank of California in Nevada. His part in promoting and building the Virginia and Truckee Railroad has been described. He also formed a corporation known as the United Mill & Mining Company which took over nearly all the mills of the Comstock Lode and secured a practical monopoly of the ore-crushing, the water supply, as well as the railroad used in hauling timber to the mines. Sharon's influence, it was charged, was largely responsible for the act of 1871 which permitted the properties of the Bank of California in Storey County to escape a large share of their taxes. The production of the mines in which Sharon and his associates were interested sank into comparative insignificance with NEVADA 279 the opening of the new bonanzas, the Consolidated Virginia and California mines. Having practically exhausted the ore bodies in their mines, Sharon and his associates were no longer concerned with the exemption of this class of property from taxation. But a heavier tax on mines would increase the Storey County sinking fund out of which their railroad bonds were to be paid. Consequently there was no objection on their part when the Legislature by almost unanimous vote passed a bill, which became a law February 20, 1875. In effect this act repealed the law of 1867 which had limited the tax on bullion in Storey County to twenty-five cents on the hundred dollars, and authorized the boards of county commissioners of the different counties to assess and collect an ad valorem tax for county purposes not exceeding $1.50 on each hundred dollars on all taxable property in the county "including the proceeds of mines and mining claims." Since, as has been noted, the product of the Consolidated Virginia mine in 1875 was greater than that of all the other mines on the Comstock combined, it was evident that the Mackay-Fair mines would bear the onus of the new tax, from which the Sharon mines had escaped. This was the beginning of the war between the Bank of California on the one hand and Flood and O'Brien and their associates on the other, culminating in a crisis which rocked the financial district of San Francisco in the summer of 1875. The following account of the failure of the Bank of California in August, 1875, is in words of a California historian: [9]"The reasons for Ralston's failure never have been satisfactorily explained, but it has been told that Flood and O'Brien, who had become leaders in the stock market, were anxious to crush Sharon and Ralston and gain control of the bank. Sharon had given a selling order which has been described as one which by comparison, 'dwarfed any ever before given on the board.' This was at the morning session of the stock exchange on the day the Bank of California failed. The selling order was given by Sharon in order to cripple Flood and O'Brien, but though the stocks they had controlled greatly decreased in price, they managed to hold their own, and at the end of the battle were still masters of the field and Sharon lost millions. Although it never has been clearly established, it would seem that there must have been some connection between the Bank of California and the Sharon deal. Many think that the bank was financing it throughout, but one thing became plain enough, and that was that Ralston was ruined. On the day after the bank closed its doors he was obliged to resign. He immediately disappeared and the next seen of him was when he was found in the bay by some boatmen. He was taken ashore and was believed to be still alive, but none of the efforts made to restore him was successful. To many, Ralston always has remained a hero. "As for Sharon, though his wings were clipped for the time, he managed afterward to soar to dizzy heights in the financial ether. He rehabilitated the Bank of California five weeks after its closing and it has since remained one of the strongest on the coast. He also gained possession of the Palace Hotel, projected by Ralston in 1871 and opened in 1875. This hotel enjoyed the reputation at the time of its completion of being the largest and finest in the 280 NEVADA United States. . . . As a result of the Sharon deal in silver stocks, the Stock Board closed its doors for a time, and there did not follow for some years any great excitement over the Nevada mines. . . . Sharon went to Virginia City a comparatively poor man, but within a few years after he became agent for the Bank of California he was reputed to be worth $25,000,000. This was doubtless true, for he hardly could have achieved what he did in after years with less capital. He went through the financial flames lit by Flood and O'Brien for his destruction as easily as though they were a paper balloon, rehabilitated the wrecked bank in a few weeks and laid out vast sums in the improvement of San Francisco real estate." Deflation While the bank failure and the war of the capitalists and speculators did not stop production of ores, it was one of the factors that played havoc with the inflated values of the stocks, and steady and constant dividends could not keep those stocks up to the values at the peak of the speculation. What the deflation meant is graphically illustrated in the following table showing some of the more conspicuous properties on the Comstock with their stock values as represented in January, 1875, and again in February, 1880. 1875 1880 Ophir $31,752,000 $ 504,000 California 84,240,000 675,000 Consolidated Virginia 75,600,000 1,026,000 Gould and Curry 7,776,000 270,000 Savage 20,280,000 89,600 Hale and Norcross 8,848,000 324,000 Chollar Potosi 20,280,000 369,000 Yellow Jacket 20,880,000 186,000 Kentuck 780,000 37,500 Crown Point 4,750,000 100,000 Belcher 5,980,000 83,2000 [10]Virginia City Fire The year 1877 marked the climax of the Comstock boom. It seemed that the resources of the state had been scarcely scratched and that there was an abundance of wealth awaiting enterprise not only in the mining of the precious metals but in other minerals and also in the growing of crops and the raising of live stock. "During the past two years (1875-76) greater activity has been displayed in mining operations, and more bullion has been produced than was ever before known in the history of the state. There have been, it is true, during this period, very mysterious fluctuations in the worth of the mines as represented by the variations in the value of the stock certificates, and many persons have been and NEVADA 281 still are in great doubt as to the prospects for the future." [11] Referring particularly to Storey County the state mineralogist said: "The past two years have been an era of the greatest prosperity in this county. At no former period since the discovery of the Comstock Lode, have the mines been so productive. During this period, too, the greatest calamity which has ever befallen this[picture] LIBERTY ENGINE HOUSE No. 1, GOLD HILL, NEVADA state was experienced in the burning of the greater part of the city of Virginia on the morning of the 26th of October, 1875. The whole of the city north of Taylor Street was destroyed, except a few small buildings on the outskirts. Nearly all the principal business houses, public buildings, hotels and dwelling houses were entirely consumed. The hoisting works of the Ophir and of the Consolidated Virginia and California mines, with the mills of the 282 NEVADA latter company, were reduced to ashes. [12] The governor in his message referred to this fire as follows: "At no time in our history has the indomitable energy of our people been so fully displayed as in removing all traces of this great fire. Legislation could not provide for the wants of a situation so unexpected. All the public buildings—county and state—were swept away. A better system of defense against the recurrence of a destructive fire had to be established. As a consequence, both the county and city governments had to assume doubtful powers in order to meet the emergency successfully."The act of February 3, 1877, authorized the commissioners of Storey County to pay a long list of claims, chiefly in amounts of five to fifteen dollars, "for services rendered by them (the claimants) in the preservation of the peace and the maintenance of the law, order and quiet of the city of Virginia and the protection of the lives and property of the citizens thereof." Another act of the same Legislature legalized the contract made by the city with the Virginia and Gold Hill Water Company, but one clause in the act required that during the existence of the contract the city should "at any and all times have the right to use the said water for the extinguishment of fire and for the protection of said city from damage from fire." As a result of the fire a new charter was granted Virginia City, authorizing a paid fire department. Just two years before the great fire, in August, 1873, there had been great rejoicing and a celebration over the completion of a remarkable achievement in hydraulic engineering bringing to Virginia and Gold Hill a supply of pure mountain water from the Sierra Nevada Mountains. From the source of supply about a thousand feet higher than Virginia City an iron pipe was laid dropping down into the Washoe Valley and then raised by means of an inverted syphon to an elevation above Virginia and Gold Hill. The pipe was about seven miles long and at its outlet the water was delivered into a flume through which it flowed twelve miles to Virginia City. (An interesting story of this achievement is found in William Wright's History of the Big Bonanza.) But through lack of hydrants, proper pressure in the mains, and adequate equipment, the full efficiency of this system was not available at the time of the fire. But long before the smoldering ruins had ceased to smoke, the work of rebuilding had commenced, and in less than one year from the time of the fire, the city was rebuilt." [13]Mine Tax Enters Final Phase Before the fire Storey County had only the obligations represented in the Virginia and Truckee Railway bonds. The fire entailed a new bonded debt for the county and also for Virginia City. With the Comstock pouring forth its wealth there was no hesitation on the part of the county or city authorities in assuming these increased obligations. But the owners of the bonanza mines balked, and their opposition carried the vexed question of the mine proceeds tax laws toward a final solution in the Supreme Courts of the state and the United States. The refusal to pay occurred in June, 1876, and was made the subject of resolutions in the platforms of both the Republican and Democratic parties, both of which opposed any action of the Legislature exempting the proceeds of the mines from just taxation. Governor Bradley's comments on the matter in his message of January 1, 1877, were : During the last year there have been persistent efforts on the part of some California mining companies, doing business in this state, to evade the payment of their just taxes on the net proceeds of mines. Notwithstanding their property is especially favored by our constitution in levying taxes and the amount assessed to them is not over 10 per cent of that assessed to our own citizens on their real and personal property, still they will not pay as long as it is possible to avoid pay- NEVADA 283 ment. I have no means of ascertaining the value of our mines as represented on the stock board for the year 1876, but I find in the Statistician that the average value for the year 1875 was in round numbers $137,000,000. . . . In addition to our mines represented on the San Francisco stock board, we have a large number of mines not incorporated and many companies, especially English ones, of great value, whose stock is never called on these boards. I am perfectly safe in estimating the value of these mines at $13,000,000. Thus we have $150,000,000 worth of property in our state that under the Constitution is not taxed one cent, while the entire taxable property of the state, real and personal, is but $30,000,000, exclusive of the proceeds of mines. It is thus seen that five-sixths of our property (not counting proceeds of mines), is untaxed, and this is owned chiefly by non-residents of this state. . . . But mining being our greatest industry it was thought best by the people in framing their constitution to foster it to the fullest extent, and therefore exempted it from taxation, stipulating that only the proceeds of the mines should be taxed. . . To show the extreme liberality of our legislation on this subject it is only necessary to say that the gross product of our mines in 1875 amounted to $35,000,000, while the amount really assessed and taxed was only $17,000,000, being less than one-half the amount liable to taxation under the constitution. By what rule of right, then, can these foreign corporations, favored as they are by the exemption of their property from taxation, go into our courts, and even into the courts of the United States, to hinder, delay and, if possible, prevent collection of taxes on the net proceeds of mines? In spite of these arguments of the governor and in spite of campaign pledges the Legislature in February, 1877, by a close vote, passed a compromise law which would have permitted deductions for cost of mining and milling up to the full limit allowable under the act of 1871, regardless of the actual cost. The mine owners, it is said, had agreed to pay their back taxes, on condition that this bill should pass. But Governor Bradley vetoed the measure on March 1. He claimed that the reduction in the mine proceeds tax by this measure would amount to from 31½ per cent to 50 per cent. In his message he took under consideration the two principal reasons advanced for the passage of the bill: First, that upon its approval, the California and Consolidated Virginia Mining Companies will pay over the tax, which they have so unjustly refused to pay for nearly a year, and that if this amount was paid over, the rate of taxation on real and personal property could be reduced to seventy-five cents on the hundred dollars. My answer is, that it does not become the dignity of a state to be dictated to by a couple of non-resident corporations, nor does experience teach us that a sub-mission to the demands of wealth today will prevent it from doubling its demand tomorrow. If this Legislature, pledged as it is to the whole people of the state to protect them against the release of these foreign corporations from the payment of taxes upon their profits, choose to go back upon their pledges, and turn over the state, bound hand and foot, to these companies, I cannot help it, but no part of the crime shall rest upon my shoulders. . . . 284 NEVADA The other objection to the old law is, that while the ores are taxed at their full value, less the cost of conversion into bullion, other property is taxed at much less than its full value. If this is so, is it good policy for the state to allow the reduction of the assessed value of the proceeds of mines, when it is so easy to raise the assessed value of real and personal property to a just valuation? In my biennial message to the present and previous legislatures, I earnestly asked for the creation of a state board of equalization, to equalize the assessment of property all over the state.. . . But as a matter of fact we know that the proceeds of mines have been taxed at a lower rate of assessment than the real and personal property of the state. . . . And recollect, too, that this tax on the proceeds of mines is, as far as the two companies demanding this reduction are concerned, purely a tax on profits, the easiest tax paid that can possibly be levied. [picture] A DESERT SCENE NEAR LAS VEGAS From this point the governor proceeded to a consideration of the fundamental question involved, that of unconstitutionality of this and other acts exempting the proceeds of the mines from the rule of uniform and equal rate of assessment and taxation. He quoted from an earlier decision of the Nevada Supreme Court declaring that "whilst the body of the mine remains untaxed, the ore taken out shall be subject to the same ad valorem taxation as other property." He also quoted the court's opinion as to the compromise in the constitutional convention resulting in the framing of the taxation article, concluding with the opinion of the court that "there can be no doubt but it was the intention that the entire product should be taxed in lieu of the body of the mine." In addition the governor justified his veto by extensive quotations from the popu- NEVADA 285 lar instructions embodied in the state and county platforms of both parties in the preceding campaign. The governor's veto killed the compromise bill. He was roundly accused by the press of Storey County, one of the newspapers calling him "our boss lunatic," but in other sections of the state his action was approved. Validity of Tax Upheld by Courts "When the last session of the Legislature adjourned," said Governor Bradley in his message of 1879, "the Consolidated Virginia and California Mining companies owed state and county taxes, amounting in the aggregate to $290,275.95. The law exacts a penalty of 35 per cent for the non-payment of these taxes, amounting to $101,596.57. Suits were at that time pending in our state courts for the collection of that portion of these taxes then delinquent. A suit was also pending in the United States Supreme Court, known as Forbes vs. Gracey, to test the right of the state to levy and collect any tax whatever upon the proceeds of mines. "Early in May, 1877, this court rendered a decision, sustaining fully the right of the state of Nevada to tax the proceeds of mines. [14]286 NEVADA "Before this decision was known to the district attorney of Storey County, these mining companies offered to pay up all their taxes, then in arrears, and to continue to pay promptly in the future, as taxes should become due, provided the district attorney would allow a stay of execution for two years upon the penalty inflicted by law for previous non-payment." The last word on this prolonged and troublesome situation may be found in the report of the attorney general January 1, 1883, reviewing cases that had been during the previous two years passed upon by the State Supreme Court. Concerning the two cases of the state versus the Consolidated Virginia Mining Company and the California Mining Company he said : This case was commenced in the year 1877 to recover taxes and penalties due the state and county from the proceeds of the mines. The defendant demurred to the complaint. Judgment was rendered in favor of the plaintiff for the amount of taxes less the penalty. The plaintiff appealed. After the case had been argued in the Supreme Court, and before an opinion had been written, the Legislature during the session of 1879 passed a law releasing the defendant from the payment of the penalties due for the non-payment of its taxes. Immediately after the adjournment of that session of 1879, I asked that the case might be reopened for argument to test the constitutionality of sections 1 and 3 of that act. After re-argument the case was resubmitted, and the Supreme Court held the sections in question to be unconstitutional and ordered the case to be returned to the district court of the First Judicial District in and before the county of Storey, with permission to the defendant to answer said complaint. After the case had been returned to the district court the defendant refused to answer, claiming that under sections 2 and 4 of the act of the Legislature of 1879 it was released from the payment of the penalty. Judgment was rendered in the district court in favor of the state. The defendant appealed. After argument in the Supreme Court sections 2 and 4 were declared to be unconstitutional and the judgment of the court below was affirmed. . . . Thus ended a long and tedious litigation ; one in which certain corporations endeavored to release themselves of paying their just proportion of taxation. Bullion Production Falls Off The right of the state to tax the proceeds of mines had at last been established by the highest court in the land. The bonanza owners had been forced into submission to pay up their back taxes and accept the principle of uniformity in assessment and collection. It is one of the curious ironies of history that after all this had been accomplished, the principal source of continued revenue almost abruptly disappeared, leaving Nevada with almost no permanent profits or investments as a monument to the silver craze of the '70s. The value of the bullion product of the state as listed by the county assessors jumped from approximately $35,000,000 in 1875 to about $46,500,000 in 1877 ; in 1878, declined to $32,000,000, in 1879 to less than $18,000,000, and to less than $10,000,000, by 1880. In 1877 the revenue received by the state from the tax on mine proceeds aggregated about $240,000, but the NEVADA 287. next year only $156,000, and in 1879 this revenue had dropped to the almost insignificant figure of less than $36,000. A table found in the state controller's report of January, 1881, presents a different array of figures but with similar significance so far as they represent a sharp falling off in the production of the mines. The state controller's figures are for the "net proceeds" of the mines for each year ending September 30. For the three years 1876, 1877 and 1878 the net proceeds approximated each year $24,000,000. But in 1879 the total fell off to a little over $7,000,000, and in 1880, to less than $4,400,000. Many believed that this decline was only temporary, and that the Comstock would come back just as it had done after the depression of 1864-65. But the state controller in the report just quoted said : "Times may be more prosperous in the near future, but we cannot make hope a basis on which to estimate our revenue." As a matter of fact, the Nevada mining industry was due for a long period of depression. In 1878 the Nevada mines had produced nearly $20,000,000 in gold and over $28,000,000 in silver, nearly 50 per cent of the product of the United States for that year. This production declined until in 1891 it aggregated only a little more than $6,000,000 in silver and gold. It is difficult to see how the decisions of the state and federal courts and the activities of the tax collecting agencies contributed in any important measure to this disastrous decline. It might be suggested that the decline was coincident with the ends of an era which had been characterized by the unbridled exploitation of our natural resources under the impetus of the "rugged individual" enterprise that drove through to successful completion the first trans-continental railway and opened up all the resources of the public lands in the West. During this decade there appeared from various sources organized efforts to place restraint and regulation upon the hitherto untrammelled enterprise. The reactions and the results from these popular forces became noticeable about the same time that the Comstock Lode disappeared from the headlines. But more practical reasons have been assigned for the decline: 1. Failure of the Big Bonanza, primary cause. 2. Remoteness of undeveloped portion of the state from railway. 3. The avaricious policy of railways, when they can be reached. 4. And the absence of centrally located competing "custom" reduction works. 5. The Comstock mill-ring, which owned the entire political and judicial organization of the state. [15]United States Senators From the Comstock three men vaulted into seats in the United States Senate. In the election of 1872 Charles W. Kendall was reelected to Congress, but the Republicans gave the electoral vote of the state to Grant and also elected Thomas P. Hawley a justice of the Supreme Court. By 1872 the tide of liberalism was running strong. A great many Republicans at that time were disgusted with the corruptions that followed in the wake of the Grant ad- 288 NEVADA ministration, and had united with reformers of various kinds under the title of "Liberal Republicans," including such men of diverse social and political origin as Carl Schurz, Horace Greeley, Charles Francis Adams and Henry Watterson. Farmers throughout the Middle West were protesting, and organizing themselves into clubs for social and political action. Out of this came the "Granger movement" which spread even to the Pacific Coast, where it came to exercise considerable influence in politics, especially with reference to such matters as railroad freight rates and the reduction of public expenditures. California's governor at that time, Newton Booth, though a Republican, was recognized as the head of a strong anti-railroad, anti-monopoly party. There was also revolt against political rings and bossism. One manifestation of this was an independent group called the "Dolly Varden Party." In Nevada a liberal tinge was given to the aspirations of John P. Jones, who was a candidate for the United States Senate, his chief opponent being William Sharon. Before the election Sharon withdrew, and the issue then lay between Senator Nye and Jones. John P. Jones was born in Herefordshire, England, January 27, 1829, and was brought to America in infancy. He attended school at Cleveland, Ohio, and in 1850 went to California. His fortune as a miner varied from season to season, but he soon became a power in Republican politics. He was elected sheriff, a state senator, and was candidate for lieutenant-governor in 1867. In 1867 he came to Nevada, and was made superintendent of the Kentuck and Crown Point mines. From a very small beginning he amassed great wealth in the bonanza mines. He bought thousands of shares of Crown Point when they were selling at three dollars a share and held tenaciously to them through good and evil reports until he was able to unload them at a hundred times what he had paid for them. Through his success he retained his thoroughly democratic qualities which endeared him to the common people. Among other factors in his popularity was his risking his own life to save some men from the burning Yellow Jacket mine. There was a real basis for his title as "the Commoner." During the two years 1870-72 he made the Crown Point the largest and richest bonanza of the Comstock. By that time he was one of the wealthiest of the bonanza kings and was ready for the prizes of politics. On January 22, 1873, in joint convention Jones received fifty-three votes, while seventeen were cast for Maj. W. W. McCoy. While himself the beneficiary of the exploitation of our national resources, Senator Jones announced himself as an anti-monopolist. The whole nation was then reading about the scandals brought out by the investigation of the ring which had plundered the government and the public in building and financing the Union Pacific Railroad. Senator Jones took up the popular cry against the "subsidizing of railroads or other corporations by grants of public lands." Sixty years ago Senator Jones was sounding the familiar slogan about "keeping the government out of business." While he denounced the "public plunderers" and declared he would not vote for "any hot-bed scheme for the development of our re-sources, because I believe their development to be more healthy when made solely by private enterprise, under the all-sufficient stimulus of private interest," this declaration could hardly be interpreted as favorable to any of the plans for popular or govern-mental regulation which were then coming. into favor. Senator NEVADA 289 Jones was extremely loyal to the interests of Nevada, and for thirty consecutive years represented that state in the United States Senate. To quote his biographer writing in 1881 [16]: "As a guardian of the people's interest he has been faithful, and as an advocate of questions of great national importance has won a fame that places him among the first students of political economy, the most conservative and just of statesmen and the most brilliant of orators of our country."Election of 1874. In the campaign of 1874 there was a partial fusion between the Democrats and the Independents or "Dolly Vardens." They had no difficulty in uniting to support Governor Bradley for re-election. Governor Bradley was not identified with the Comstock ring, and could command support from the agrarian as well as the industrial interests. He was easily reelected for another term and the Democrats also elected the lieutenant-governor, Jewett W. Adams, the attorney-general and state treasurer. For Congress the Democrats nominated Col. A. C. Ellis [17] instead of C. W. Kendall. This alienated Kendall and probably contributed to the defeat of the democratic candidate and the election of William Woodburn, who was chosen to represent Nevada in the Forty-fourth Congress, 1875-77.[18]But the chief interest in the campaign and the cause of an unprecedented outpouring of money was the prize of the United States senatorship. Senator Stewart's term expired in 1875. Two of the aspirants for the toga were William Sharon and Adolph Sutro, Sharon seeking the post as a Republican and Sutro under the banner of the independent or Dolly Varden party. Sharon was, of course, a man of great wealth, with the prestige of the Bank of California behind him. Sutro was still struggling to get the assistance of the government and private financiers to complete his tunnel project. Sharon and his associates were doing every-thing in their power to defeat this project and the possibility that the success of the tunnel would ruin the Comstock cities of Virginia and Gold Hill by the transfer of the mills and reduction works to the mouth of the tunnel, was strongly stressed in the campaign. The Legislature chosen was overwhelmingly Republi- 290 NEVADA can and in joint convention January 13, 1875, forty-nine votes were cast for Sharon, twenty-one for H. K. Mitchell, and four for Thomas P. Hawley. [19] Sharon was the financial genius and leader of one group who battled for the control of the Comstock proper-ties. In the opposite group, comprising the developers and owners of the "new bonanzas," was James G. Fair, who in 1881 was destined to succeed Sharon in the United States Senate. Fair was a Democrat. With his term in the Senate the "Comstock dynasty" may be said to have come to an end, and for his successor the Legislature turned to a man of humbler fortune in the person of former senator William M. Stewart.[20]The Chinese Question Of Nevada's population of about 42,000 in 1870, over 3,000 were Chinese. The construction work of the Central Pacific Railway was largely done by Chinese coolies. Of the 9,000 Chinese engaged in construction work during 1865-69, Leland Stanford reported that they were "peaceable, industrious and economical, apt to learn and quite as efficient as white laborers." The Chinese were also efficient cooks and house servants, and many of them were employed around the mines of the Comstock. With the completion of the railroad in 1869 the labor market was flooded with Chinese laborers. There also came an end to that free and easy era in the West when every American was his own master, captain of his fate and independent of class and caste. All political parties began to recognize the labor issue, and respond to the demand that the wages of industry should not be cheapened by the competition of coolieism. Out of this arose the Working Men's movement in California, and what was then the ideal of an "eight-hour day" as set forth by Henry George. The anti-Chinese agitation was gradually gaining strength, to ripen into the atrocities of the labor riots of 1877. In the acts of the Nevada Legislature in 1871 are several illustrations of the anti-Chinese sentiment. A resolution requests Nevada's congressmen to use their influence "to prevent the employment of Chinese in and about the United States branch mint at Carson City or upon any government work within the state." In NEVADA 291 granting franchises to railroads and other corporations there was a typical proviso "that no Chinese or Mongolians shall be employed in the construction or maintaining of said road, and such employment of Chinese laborers shall work a forfeiture of the franchise, subsidies and all rights hereby granted." [21] These restrictive features disappeared from the franchise acts of 1873 and 1875, though there was an assembly concurrent resolution in 1875 declaring that "the importation of labor that does not benefit the general interests of the people is detrimental to good government," and requested that Nevada's representatives in Congress should work to secure a modification of "the existing treaties with China so as to prevent the importation of Chinese, male and female, under servile contract."The Burlingame treaty, concluded in 1868, gave the Chinese "the same privileges, immunities and exemptions in respect to travel and residence as may be enjoyed by the citizens and subjects of the most favored nation." This treaty was the cloak which screened the operations of labor recruiting agencies which brought shiploads of Chinese coolies to the United States, not for "travel and residence," but to work in contract gangs in construction camps. Then as soon as the American labor union accumulated partisan power, the Chinese became a political issue. The riots and agitation on the Pacific Coast forced the attention of Congress to the matter. A special committee of Congress spent some weeks at San Francisco in 1876 and in their report revealed the impossibility of free American labor competing with the Chinese. Fifteenth Amendment Governor Bradley devoted several pages of his biennial message of January, 1877, to the Chinese question. "The subject that has excited most interest in the Pacific states during the year just past has been the alarming increase of Chinese immigration." Throughout the northern states in the years following the panic of 1873 there had been numerous outbreaks in coal mines and other industrial centers involving bloodshed in conflict between white labor and negroes. For the benefit of the negro the fifteenth amendment had declared that the right to vote should not be denied "on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude." In the East this had reference only to the negro. In the far West the language contained an implication that the power of the Federal government might be extended to demand similar rights and 292 NEVADA privileges for Orientals. At any rate, this seemed to be the view of Governor Bradley when he said: The time was when subjects of this character were settled exclusively by state legislation, when the states north of the Ohio River fearing the effect of a free negro population prohibited by law the immigration of that class of people to those states. But late amendments to the Constitution of the United States have taken this subject entirely out of our hands and transferred it to a government 3,000 miles away, that knows as little of our wants and are as indifferent to their correction as was the parliament under George III to the wants of the colonies a century ago. . . . The people in the states east of the Rocky Mountains do not and cannot understand this Chinese question like ourselves who are directly affected by it, nor are they willing to accept and carry out the wishes of our immediate representatives. From these generalizations the governor proceeded to draw a more immediate picture of what the presence of the Chinese meant in Nevada : Let me invite your attention to the effect, present and prospective, upon the Town of Carson and County of Ormsby, of the presence of the Chinese. There are in this county about 1,300 white males old enough to labor. Of this number probably not over 500 are employed on daily or monthly wages. The census of this county, taken last year, shows 500 Chinese males, nearly every one of whom is a laborer. These Chinese are employed in various occupations at prices ranging from a dollar per week for boys as domestics to thirty-five dollars per month for general labor. Heretofore the Chinese have, afforded the chief domestic labor for families, but as if they were determined no white child should be raised up to the habits of industry and domestic labor, they have of late years imported a large number of coolie boys, aged ten to thirteen years, who they hire out to families for a dollar per week. When the children know that Chinese boys can be procured so cheaply it is with great reluctance they will assist in household labors, and they feel in a measure degraded by performing that which can be so cheaply performed by hired labor. Hence, our hoodlums—both male and female. It has been suggested in some quarters that this hoodlum element is now so large as to demand a reformatory school. If the presence of this cheap Chinese labor is continued in our midst, and thereby idleness encouraged and fostered among the rising white population, all the resources of the state will not furnish reformatory school houses enough to hold, feed and clothe our hoodlum population. . . . In every instance where public opinion has permitted the Chinese to labor, they have driven out and supplanted white labor, both male and female. They hold undisputed sway as domestic servants in families, in restaurants and hotels; they have nearly the entire laundry business, and theirs in the only labor used as section hands on the railroads except for a short time previous to an election. In small mining camps the Chinaman has been employed as a miner, sometimes exclusively so, and NEVADA 293 it cannot be denied that had it not been for our admirable labor associations Chinese labor today would have been more extensively employed in all our mining and milling enter-prises than white labor. Eliminating "White" From Constitution The fifteenth amendment, giving the vote to the negro, had been proclaimed as part of the Federal constitution in March, 1870. But still the Nevada constitution retained the word "white" in describing the suffrage qualifications. When the eighth session of the Legislature in 1877 got around to correcting this anomaly, it did so in a resolution which is an interesting illustration of the anti-Chinese sentiment. The proposed amendment read : Article 18.--The rights of suffrage and office-holding shall not be withheld from any male citizen of the United States by reason of his color or previous condition of servitude. In this there is a noticeable omission of the word "race" found in the similar language of the fifteenth amendment. But the pre-amble and resolution leading up to this amendment proposal are still more significant, indicating that while Nevada was willing to recognize its "paramount allegiance" to the Federal government, it would not go so far as to recognize the Chinese as citizens: Whereas, By the second section of Article One of the Constitution of this State, it is explicitly declared, that the paramount allegiance of every citizen is due to the Federal Government, and that no power exists in the people of this or any other State of the Federal Union to dissolve their connection therewith, or to perform any act tending to impair, subvert, or resist the supreme authority of the Government of the United States ; and, whereas, the Constitution of the United States has been so amended as to confer upon all native-born citizens of this Republic, irrespective of color, race, or previous condition of servitude, a condition of full and exact equality ; and, whereas, the Constitution of this State, as it now reads, is not in harmony with the amended Constitution of the United States; therefore be it Resolved, By the Assembly, conjointly with the Senate, that Section One of Article Two of the Constitution of this State shall be amended by the elimination therefrom of the word "white"; and the effect of such elimination shall be, that no male citizen of the United States shall be excluded from the rights of suffrage and office-holding by reason of his race, color, or previous condition of servitude ; provided, that this amendment shall not be construed as conferring the rights of naturalization, suffrage, and office-holding upon any native of the Chinese Empire. This amendment proposal was again approved by the 1879 Legislature and submitted to popular vote in November, 1880. The vote in favor was 14,215, almost unanimous. [22]294 NEVADA The Legislature in 1879 had passed an act to ascertain and express the will of the people on the subject of Chinese immigration. In the election of 1880 the voters had the opportunity of signifying on their ballot their will in favor or disfavor of Chinese immigration. Only 183 voters favored such immigration. The Legislature of 1879 also struck a blow at the alleged system by which Chinese were being imported to this country under terms equivalent to slavery. [23] The same Legislature passed a general act prohibiting the employment directly or indirectly in any capacity of Chinamen on public works, around buildings or institutions or grounds controlled by the state and declared that no railroad or other franchise be granted except on the express condition that Chinese should be prohibited from construction work.Governor Bradley recurred to this subject in his final message in 1879: "At present, scarcely any other than Chinese labor is employed in procuring the immense quantities of cord wood that are consumed in the western part of this state. It is safe to say that not less than 500 white men have been deprived of any opportunity to work by the employment of cheap Chinese labor in this industry alone. They are, also, much more extensively used as farm hands than formerly. Thus it will be seen that the Chinese have either wholly, or to a great extent, absorbed nearly all the labor pursuits of Nevada, except mining, and this they would have controlled before now, had it not been for the miners' unions." The result of all this agitation on the west coast, supported also by organized labor throughout the country, was the negotiation of a new treaty between the United States and China in 1880, permitting this country to limit or suspend immigration from the Orient, but securing protection and immunity to Chinese laborers already here. In 1881 Congress passed a bill to suspend immigration, but it was vetoed by President Arthur as not being a "reasonable suspension" because it prohibited immigration for twenty NEVADA 295 years. Then in 1882 Congress passed a bill prohibiting immigration from China for a period of ten years. [24]The Railroad Question Nevada had no sooner obtained the great boon of a railroad than it began to complain of the exactions and discriminatory practices of the Central Pacific Company. These complaints were by no means a phenomenon peculiar to Nevada. Throughout the Middle West a "farmers' revolt" was in progress demanding legislative or popular control of railway corporations. Illinois had led off in the matter of "granger legislation" against railroads in 1869, being followed by Minnesota in 1871 and by Iowa and Wisconsin in 1874. These laws declared the principle that the state had the right to regulate and control corporations of its own creation. The application of the principle was fiercely fought by the railway companies, but the principle was firmly imbedded in American economic doctrine by the decisions of the United States Supreme Court in October, 1876. [25]In California the railroad question had begun to absorb the interest of political campaigns. That state had in Governor Booth (1871-75) the head of a strong anti-railroad, anti-monopoly party. The arbitrary power of the railroad companies to control business and politics was one of the forces that led California to adopt a new constitution in 1879, a constitution that provided for a state railroad commission. While the fundamental principle of the power of the state or the nation to regulate transportation companies was established during these years, most of the granger laws and other acts which incorporated the principle became practically a dead letter. Many people were persuaded that hostile legislation would restrict the further construction of roads. Railroads provided at that time indispensable transportation, and a community could better bear the ills of high freight rates than be deprived altogether of the service afforded by steam transportation. The railroad commissions established in California and other states exercised almost perfunctory duties of a statistic gathering or advisory nature, seldom doing anything to prevent discriminations and rate adjustments. 296 NEVADA From the beginning of statehood, when the matter was debated at length in the constitutional convention, the people of Nevada had realized that they would have to pay high for the privilege of railroad transportation, since the maximum charges fixed in the Central Pacific charter were ten cents a mile for passengers and 20 cents per ton a mile for freight. These rates seemed a relief to the heavy charges that had prevailed for hauling freight or carrying passengers by stage under the older system of transportation. The chief complaint in Nevada was directed not so much against a high level of charges, but against that system of tariff which allowed the railway company an equal or greater revenue for a "short haul" than for a "long haul." The Central Pacific freight tariff of 1877 prescribed a carload rate for machinery from New York to San Francisco of $600. The rate from New York to Reno was $818. The rate on a carload of machinery from San Francisco to Reno was $218. Thus while the railroad company might drop the car from a train arriving from the East at Reno, its charges were just as much as though it carried the car on to San Francisco and then brought it back over the mountains, a distance of over 300 miles. This instance is typical of the entire rate making structure of that time. The acts of the Nevada Legislature during this period reveal no serious disposition to extend the regulatory powers of the state to the railroads. An amendment of 1871 to the general railroad act of 1865 contained a mild provision that the Legislature might "change the rates of fare and freight of all narrow gauge railroads constructed under the provisions of this act." In 1874 the Republican State Convention, probably influenced by similar planks in other state platforms from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Coast, demanded laws by Congress or state legislatures to establish reasonable rates of fares and freights and prohibit discriminations. A bill "to regulate fares and rates in railroads in the state of Nevada" was introduced into the Assembly in 1875. The committee in recommending that the bill be indefinitely postponed called attention to some facts and some arguments which illustrate the difficulty of getting such legislation enacted at that time. The committee recognized the evils of the situation whereby Nevada towns along the Central Pacific paid higher freight rates from eastern markets than San Francisco. But the remedy for this was not in state legislation but in the powers of Congress over the regulation of commerce between states. As to railway companies with their lines entirely within the state, the committee could find no complaint that such companies had charged more than the legal rate of ten cents per mile for passengers and twenty cents per mile for each ton of freight transported. The Virginia and Truckee, it was claimed, had not even charged up to these full rates. To enact a rate fixing law would, in the opinion of the committee, not only invite heavy expense in fighting it through the courts, but would result in a permanent injury to the state by discouraging capital and enterprise from constructing new roads, of which Nevada was then in desperate need. Other frontier states as well as Nevada discovered that as a result of the hostile granger laws, the railroads retaliated by suspending new construction. Consequently localities without railroads did not generally support the restrictive and regulatory measures, preferring the evils of a transportation monopoly rather NEVADA 297 than the greater evil of no railroad at all. Representatives from the southern and eastern parts of Nevada, said the committee, were before every Legislature asking permission to aid in the construction of railroads. Already a narrow gauge line was in progress of construction between Palisade and Eureka, and two railroad acts had been passed by the seventh session. Consequently the committee believed that it would be to the best advantage of Nevada to maintain the standard of rates set by the law of 1865, since such a standard would operate more fairly to both capital and to those using the transportation than a standard subject to change by every successive Legislature. "We feel that to fix any lower or other rates for fares and freights than that of the present law would paralyze every railroad enterprise now being either carried on or thought of in the eastern part of the state." The railroad problem went over as an inheritance to the following administration, but Governor Bradley in his farewell message in January, 1879, called attention to the Supreme Court decisions which had placed it within the power of the state to regulate fares and freights on railroads within its limits. "Heretofore," he said, "when this subject was brought before the Legislature, those representing railroad interests have always managed to create a doubt in the minds of a majority of one or the other house as to the constitutional power of the state to legislate on this subject, claiming that the Federal government alone should regulate fares and freights." But as a result of the decision the responsibility was now shifted directly to the State Legislature. New Railroads in Nevada While little progress was made toward settling the railroad rate problem during the Bradley administration, some actual additions were made to the railroad mileage of the state during the years 1871-78. But aside from the Virginia and Truckee, completed in September, 1872, the new lines were built on the narrow gauge pattern and primarily for ore carrying purposes. [26] One of the first of these was the Pioche and Bullionville Railroad, a narrow gauge line about twenty miles long, built in 1872-73, primarily for the purpose of transporting ore from the mines to the mills. This pioneer railroad in Lincoln County served its purpose, and when the mines played out the road itself soon fell into disuse.A more permanent road was the Eureka and Palisade Railroad, for which articles of corporation were filed November 19, 1874. This line was completed in October, 1875, comprising ninety miles of narrow gauge from Eureka to connection with the Central Pacific Railroad at Palisade. The original road also bought what was known as the Ruby Hill branch road, used exclusively in transporting ore from the mines of Ruby Hill to the furnaces at Eureka. The Legislature during this period passed several acts to "en-courage" railroad construction. The form of encouragement was the authorization of the county or counties through which the pro-posed line was to run to issue bonds, to be paid to the railroad company on the completion of a certain mileage of the line. In 1871 298 NEVADA the Legislature had granted the Eastern Nevada Railroad Company the right of constructing a narrow gauge line from Elko to the City of Hamilton, and permitted Elko and White Pine counties to issue bonds for the aid of the proposed line. The company being unable to finance the construction work immediately, the center of mining activity in the meantime shifted from Hamilton and the district to the south to the new discoveries around Eureka, the chief incentive for its construction passed, and the Eureka and Palisade, a line built without a county bond issue, usurped its place. In February, 1875, the Legislature passed over Governor Bradley's veto an act to encourage the construction of a railroad from Battle Mountain Station to the City of Austin. The act authorized the county to issue $200,000 in bonds to aid the road. Such a line, it was hoped, would restore some of the diminishing prestige of Austin as the mining capital of the Reese River region. While Governor Bradley himself came from this section of the state, it was known that he was opposed to railroad subsidies, which, as has been noted, was an important issue in the political campaign of 1874. At the same time Lander County elected to the State Senate, M. J. Farrell of Austin, who for a long time had been agitating the public mind concerning the feasibility of constructing a narrow gauge road. He introduced the bill mentioned above and fought it through both houses. Though its passage did not result in immediate construction, Farrell did not allow the matter to rest, and his persistent advocacy brought to the project the name "Farrell's Hobby." His persistence was finally rewarded in the organization of the Nevada Central Railroad Company, September 2, 1879. The work of building was commenced and on February 9, 1880, the road was completed over the distance of ninety-two miles from Austin to Battle Mountain. It was a three-foot gauge road. [27]State Debt in 1879 In turning over his office to his successor in January, 1879, Governor Bradley took a pardonable pride in referring to the steps which had brought the state out of the financial chaos and insecurity of the earlier years. Reviewing the fiscal condition of the state during the eight years of his administration he said : Then, 1871, the state was loaded down with a debt of over $700,000. State warrants were hawked about the streets at from sixty to sixty-five cents on the dollar; there was no money in the treasury; heavy defalcations had brought disgrace upon at least two departments of the state government. In a word, we had staring us in the face "an exhausted credit NEVADA 299 and bankrupt treasury." Now we have over $660,000 in the treasury ; our entire public debt is paid, or the payment provided for; taxes have been reduced from $1.25 to ninety cents on the hundred dollars, and can at this session be again greatly reduced ; the morale of the entire administration is of the highest character and each department stands above suspicion. Eight years of economical administration has placed the state treasury $1,350,000 better off than it was on the first of January, 1871, and that on a reduced rate of taxation. The following table from the state controller's report shows the condition of the state debt on January 1, 1879: Ten Year Gold Bonds ---------(10 per cents)------------$74,400.00 Ten Year Gold Bonds ---------( 9½ per cents) ------------86,000.00 Fifteen Year Gold Bonds------( 9½ per cents)----------380,000.00 Accrued Interest ---------------------------------------------16,616.66 Outstanding Warrants --------------------------------------39,598.30 ___________ Total --------------------------------------------------------$596,614.96 The assets applicable to the payment of the debt at that time consisted of : Bonds in interest and sinking fund--------------$250,000.00 Accrued interest on same ----------------------------7,500.00 Cash in treasury subject to legislative control--569,773.24 ____________ Total applicable assets----------------------------$827,273.24 Thus the total amount of assets over all the state debt was in excess of $230,000. In explaining the causes which brought about this satisfactory financial condition state controller W. W. Hobart said : "First and foremost, it must be conceded that the principal factors in the causes that have made possible the present flattering showing in our state finances, have been the extraordinary yield of our mines for the past eight years, and the consequent increase in assessed values of real and personal property in the state. Still it is not too much to claim that something is due to wise legislation, and prudence in expenditure by the executive officers of the state." [28]300 NEVADA Local Government Costs A period of prosperity begets extravagance in both public and private economy. Those who paid the taxes and those whose duties entailed a study of tax problems learned as long ago as the decade of the '70s, and not only in Nevada but in practically every other state of the Union, that the source of the heaviest burden of taxes was not in the state but in the counties and municipalities. On this subject the state controller in the report above quoted says: For the past two years, with the state tax at ninety cents, the average rate of county taxation was $1.82, making an average rate of taxation, for state and county purposes, of $2.72 on the $100 valuation. The amount of money collected by direct and indirect taxation and paid into the State treasury for state purposes, for the past year, was in round numbers $407,000. The amount collected by direct and indirect taxation and paid into the county treasuries for county purposes was $1,010,000; showing a tax per capita of nearly twenty dollars for every man, woman and child in the state to sup- NEVADA 301 port county governments alone. The report of the last grand jury of Storey County shows that the expenses of maintaining that county government for the year 1878 was $209,502.92. The average expenses of the state government per year, including the Legislature, salaries, incidental expenses, support of State Prison, orphans, deaf, dumb, blind and insane is but $300,000. The chief reason found for this heavy expense of county government was, in the opinion of the controller, in the fee system for paying county officers. He appended a table showing that a justice of the peace in Storey County had net receipts for two years of over $10,000, while the salary of the chief justice of the Supreme Court during those two years was $14,000. Similarly the net receipts of the office of sheriff for two years was over $15,000, while the salary of the governor for two years was $12,000. [picture] NEVADA STATE PRISON, CARSON CITY Functions of the State in 1878 It cost, said the controller, about $300,000 a year to support the state government, apart, of course, from the amount required to meet the obligations of the state debt. It will be well at this point to inquire what were the functions and services rendered by the state government at that time. These functions were still reasonably close to the earlier ideals of what a government should provide to the citizens. They were essentially "fundamentals," a few administrative or executive officials, a system of courts and their judges, a legislature to enact the laws, an institution to take care of those who broke the law, and one or two institutions representing a later development in sociology to take care of the orphans, the insane and other unfortunates. Thus of the total expenditures of something over $300,000 for the year 1878, about $45,000 went to the executive department, chiefly for salaries of the governor, lieutenant governor, secretary of state and other officials; about $27,000 went to pay for the maintenance 302 NEVADA of the Supreme Court; less than $9,000 to the office of the surveyor general and land register; about $16,000 for the upkeep and care of the state capitol building and capitol grounds ; $8,000 for the state library. For the support of the charitable institutions for the care of the indigent insane, the deaf, dumb and blind and the state orphan home, the state expended during the year about $52,000, while about $87,000 went for the support of the Nevada State Prison. For the support of the state university during that year Nevada expended less than $4,500, and the total expenditure of the state for the support of public schools was slightly less than $50,000. [29]At this time Nevada had a state capitol, a state prison and a state orphans home, all located at Carson City. [30] The few deaf, dumb and blind under the age of twenty-one were cared for at Berkeley, California. Nevada's indigent insane, to the number of 115 in 1878, were cared for under contract at the Woodbridge Insane Asylum near Stockton, California.[31]NEVADA 303 Indian Raids In speaking of the services rendered by the state government it should not be overlooked that there was also a responsibility to the state to protect its citizens from riot and invasion. This was primarily the duty of the organized state militia. The Indians had been put on reservations, and one by one the federal garrisons had been withdrawn, leaving only a nominal command at Fort Halleck. Early in September, 1875, Governor Bradley was besieged by telegrams describing the imminence of an Indian raid in the eastern part of the state. This has been referred to as the White Pine or Spring Valley war. It was reported that one or two men had been killed in Spring Valley, a place about sixty miles from the nearest telegraph station. It was one of the isolated settlements in White Pine and Lincoln County in which there were a number of men, women and children who would be at the mercy of savages in any sudden outbreak. Since no United States troops could be obtained from Fort Halleck, the governor determined to throw into the field all the available forces of Eureka, White Pine and Lincoln counties, and the state troops and volunteers quickly mobilized, reaching the scene only to find that reports of the danger had been greatly exaggerated. [32]304 NEVADA There was another Indian scare in the summer of 1877. After the Nez Perce outbreak of 1876 and the long and costly campaign that followed it, many of the tribes were in a state of unrest bordering on rebellion. It was feared that Winnemucca and his Piutes might join in the uprising, but they were deterred by the watchfulness of the military. However, early in June, 1877, the Bannocks broke away from the Fort Hall reservation in Idaho and extended their depredations of stealing stock, robbing wagon trains and murdering white persons along their trail for a hundred miles into the [picture] THE UNIVERSITY BUILDING, COMPLETED IN 1874 FOR THE STATE UNIVERSITY Owyhee country close to the Nevada boundary. It was supposed to be their intention to go directly to Duck Valley Indian reservation in the northern part of Nevada with a view to compel the Shoshones to join them. Governor Bradley then ordered his Adjutant General Adams to proceed to the center of the threatened center of the district threatened by invasion and to call upon the militia and volunteers to oppose the invasion until federal troops should arrive from California. General Adams proceeded to Cornucopia, organized an armed company of volunteers, but a week's scouting in Northern Nevada and Southern Idaho satisfied him that the NEVADA 305 Bannocks had abandoned their intention. In the meantime the federal troops arrived, and the Nevada forces were disbanded. State University The founding and opening of the state university also come within the annals of the Bradley administration. The act of March 7, 1873, located the university at the town of Elko, provided that the people of Elko should convey to the board of regents a tract of land at least twenty acres in extent having on it a building furnished and ready for occupancy suitable for the uses of the preparatory department. One of the provisions was that tuition should be free, and "that none shall be excluded on account of sex, race or color." The act appropriated only $4,000 for the conduct of the university during the first year. The school was started with only one teacher, the principal, D. R. Sessions, a graduate of Princeton College, who opened the institution October 12, 1874, with seven pupils. In 1875 the number of pupils increased to sixteen, and to twenty-three in 1876. The building erected by the citizens of Elko was used for the school room. It was a two-story brick building, with four rooms below and an assembly hall above. Of the $20,000 appropriated from the general fund for the university during the four years up to 1877, a portion was used for the construction of a two-story dormitory containing eleven rooms, designed primarily to accommodate out-of-town students. The dormitory was for men students only. [33]The chief emphasis in the curriculum was on mathematical subjects. The state superintendent of public instruction in his report of 1877 spoke of a high degree of proficiency on the part of pupils in algebra, geometry and trigonometry. There was a class, he said, reading Caesar's Commentaries, also classes in German and French, and attention was paid to English literature, history and elocution. In the report of the board of regents for 1877-78 it was stated that five students from counties outside of Elko had at one time been attending the school, while the other scholars, numbering twenty or twenty-five, all lived in Elko or the immediate vicinity. In conclusion, said the board, "we are free to confess that our anticipations and hopes for the success of the university have not been fully realized; but we submit that the enterprise has not proved a total failure." The first president of the university, D. R. Sessions, resigned at the end of 1878 to become state superintendent of public instruction. The board of regents had not been able to take any step toward establishing a mining department, the chief reason being the insufficiency of the appropriation to carry out the requirements of the law governing it. By the act of Congress of July 4, 1866, seventy-two sections, or 46,080 acres had been granted to Nevada for the establishment and maintenance of a university. The act establishing the university in 1873 had ordered the immediate selection and sale of these sections of land, and at the close of 1878 the university fund arising therefrom aggregated a little over 306 NEVADA $19,000. At the same time there was a total of a little over $45,000 in what was known as the mining college fund. Under the act of Congress of July 2, 1862, known as the Morrill Act, 90,000 acres were allotted to Nevada as the basis of a perpetual fund for the endowment and maintenance of a college of agriculture and mechanic arts. By act of July 4, 1866, this grant was extended to Nevada with the privilege of emphasizing the teaching of the theory and practice of mining instead of agriculture and mechanic arts. Then on March 16, 1872, Congress granted Nevada an extension of time until May 10, 1877, in which to establish its mining college without working a forfeiture of the land grant. That period expired, and still Nevada had no mining school and only a [picture] TICKET FOR THE "UNIVERSITY BALL," SOLD AT $6 EACH For ball held at Elko, February 23, 1874, to raise funds for furniture and equipment for the new University, then located at Elko. preparatory academy with a single teacher at Elko. Thus for several years Nevada was without legal title to the 90,000 acre land grant, and only a forbearance on the part of federal authorities prevented an actual forfeiture of all such rights and claims except so far as the maintenance of the little school at Elko was an earnest of an intention to establish and maintain a mining college. The Common Schools School conditions are very apt to parallel closely the level of social .conditions in any state. At this time in Nevada some people were living on an average of comfort and luxury equal to that found in the oldest and wealthiest states. At the same time in newer communities miners and prospectors and their families were living in temporary shelters. Schools likewise showed similar contrasts. Of 120 schools in the entire state in 1876, sixty-two were classified as primary schools, seven as intermediate schools, thirty-two as unclassified, sixteen as grammar schools, and there were only three high schools. There were four brick school houses, seventy-nine built of wood, five of adobe and two of stone. At Carson City was a graded school with nine departments, whereas in the sparsely popu- NEVADA 307 lated county of Churchill a year or so earlier there had been three districts, with only one teacher, who held in each district a term of three months, so that the pupils had a vacation of nine months each year. A way out was discovered in what was no doubt the first "centralized" public school in Nevada. A two-story building was erected as near as possible to the center of the county. It was called "the Educational Institute of Churchill County" and provided not only the facilities of a day school, but also accommodations for boarding pupils, and the school was maintained eight months continuously. In communities that had enjoyed a sudden prosperity as a result of a mining boom, schools were quickly established, and in such typical instances as Eureka and Pioche the facilities provided were above the average. The state superintendent found a number of small districts where there was evidence, of the spirit of self-sacrifice in maintaining schools. In Esmeralda County was such a district, where private subscription supplemented the meager funds from the state and from local taxation, and there the furnishings of the school consisted of two benches, a box, a desk, and table and chair. Such schools were mere places of assembly for the teacher and pupils, and had no facilities such as libraries or other aids to instruction. The superintendent spoke of one mining town in Lander County where a dilapidated map adorned the wall, a rough box served as a receptacle for books, and the children were insecurely seated. Virginia and Gold Hill, being then the most aristocratic and wealthy centers of the state, also represented the flower of the public school system. There were thirty-six separate schools in Storey County and during 1876 Virginia City had erected a ward building at a cost of $34,000. "The building is four stories in height, with mansard roof and is of modern style of American architecture." The building was lighted with gas, had hydrants for drinking purposes on all floors, a toilet in the basement and was heated by hot air furnaces. The state superintendent spoke of the action of the trustees at Carson City abolishing the course of physical training (calisthenics) in the local schools, but in the schools of Virginia City and Gold Hill the curriculum was being extended beyond fundamentals by instruction in vocal music. Virginia City schools boasted a library worth a thousand dollars, embracing such authors as Irving, Macaulay, Abbott, Cooper, Longfellow, Tennyson, Lowell, Agassiz, Robinson Crusoe, Oliver Optic Series. A large sum had been raised by subscriptions to give the high schools at Gold Hill and Virginia City the special equipment for study of the sciences, including electricity. [1] Some of the detail figures for towns and precincts in Elko County are: Bruno---------------------------122 Bull Run-------------------------43 Camp Halleck-----------------160 Carlin---------------------------295 Clover Valley-------------------80 Elko---------------------------1160 Humboldt Wells----------------42 Lamoille Valley---------------134 Mineral Hill--------------------212 Mound Valley-------------------88 Mountain City-----------------467 Pine Valley----------------------35 Placerville----------------------160 Rail------------------------------110 Ruby Valley--------------------153 Star Valley-----------------------69 Toano---------------------------117 In White Pine County the metropolis at that time was Hamilton, with a population of 3,913, whereas in the 1920 census Hamilton precinct was credited with sixty-two persons. In 1870 Shermantown had 932 and Treasure 1,920, and other smaller precincts in the county named in the census figures were Diamond Valley, Egan Canyon, Kern, Newark Valley, Piermont, Pinto, Robinson, Spring Valley, Steptoe Valley. The principal centers in Lincoln County in 1870 were: Hiko------------110 Panaca----------493 Pioche---------1620 Rio Virgin-----762 1a Thompson and West History speaking of the election of 1874. [2] Lewis R. Bradley was born in Virginia in 1806. In early life he was a farmer and horse trader. He lived in Kentucky and Missouri and in 1852 took a band of cattle across the plains to California. He became a resident of Nevada in 1862, settling in Lander County, where he engaged in stock raising. Thus he represented that element of Nevada's population which was frequently described as from the "Cow Country." Charles W. Kendall, the first Democratic congressman from Nevada, was born in Waldo County, Maine, April 22, 1828. He attended Yale College, went to California in 1849, was editor of the San Jose Tribune from 1855 to 1859, practiced law at Sacramento and was a member of the California Legislature. In 1862 he went to Hamilton, Nevada. He was in Congress from March, 1871 to March, 1873. After the end of his term he removed to Denver, and later was assistant librarian in the Interstate Commerce Commission at Washington from 1892 until his death June 25, 1914. Henry G. Worthington, Nevada's first congressman, was born in Maryland February 9, 1828. After being admitted to the bar he moved to California, served in the Legislature of that state, and in 1862 settled at Austin, Nevada. He was in the Thirty-eighth Congress from October 31, 1864 to March 3, 1865. Afterwards he was appointed collector of the port at Charleston, South Carolina, under appointment from President Johnson served as United States minister to Uruguay and Argentina, was a United States district judge. He died at Washington July 29, 1909. Nevada's second congressman, Delos R. Ashley, was born in Arkansas February 19, 1828. He was admitted to the bar in 1849, in the same year moved to California, where he was district attorney, member of both houses of the Legislature and state treasurer. In 1864 he moved to Virginia City and in 1871, after his term in Congress, located at Pioche. Reasons of failing health caused him to move to California in 1872, and he died at San Francisco July 18, 1873. [3] Thompson and West's History, 124. [4] The Comstock Lode, by J. A. Church. [5] Walter R. Crane's Gold and Silver, an economic history. [6] Op. cit. 352. Philipp Deidesheimer was born in Germany in 1832, went to California in 1851 and came to the Comstock in 1860. The history of his invention of the "square sets" was described by William Wright in the History of the Big Bonanza and also in Thompson and West's publication of 1881. [7] State mineralogist's report for 1877. [8] "For many years Mr. Fair spent a great deal of his time in the depths of his mines, visiting the different workings at all times of the day or night, and thus became thoroughly conversant with every part of the vast labyrinths of drifts, cross-cuts, winzes, stopes, shafts and inclines, as well as with the army of men under his charge. There are few bodies so robust as to bear the strain, and few minds so clear as to retain all the great works and workmen in memory, giving directions with perfect confidence, managing the greatest work of the age with unparalleled success, and making reports with the remarkable accuracy and clearness shown by Superintendent Fair." (Sketch in Thompson and West's History.) John W. Mackay, who acquired a two-fifths interest in the new bonanza mines of 1873, reaped an enormous fortune. Subsequently he organized and became president of the Bank of Nevada. An attempt to corner the wheat market nearly wrecked the bank and destroyed his fortune. In 1884 he joined James Gordon Bennett in forming the Commercial Cable Company and the Postal Telegraph Company. His son, Clarence H. Mackay, is still president of the Postal Telegraph. John W. Mackay disposed of his wealth in many public benefactions. He died at London, England, July 20, 1902. [9] Bailey Millard, in the San Francisco Bay Region. [10] From that date (1875) to this (1881) there has been a general decline in the value of mining stocks on the Comstock Lode, and though an occasional flutter occurs in prices, the thousands who invested their hard earnings in the certificates of shares, turn away heartsick as the prices recede day by day. Those who built fine residences costing sixty thousand dollars to a hundred thousand dollars; those who built modest cottages; those who sought to lift themselves above the drudgeries of daily labor, have been disappointed and obliged to surrender all. (Thompson and West's.) [11] State mineralogist's report. [13] The governor in his message referred to this fire as follows: "At no time in our history has the indomitable energy of our people been so fully displayed as in removing all traces of this great fire. Legislation could not provide for the wants of a situation so unexpected. All the public buildings—county and state—were swept away. A better system of defense against the recurrence of a destructive fire had to be established. As a consequence, both the county and city governments had to assume doubtful powers in order to meet the emergency successfully." The act of February 3, 1877, authorized the commissioners of Storey County to pay a long list of claims, chiefly in amounts of five to fifteen dollars, "for services rendered by them (the claimants) in the preservation of the peace and the maintenance of the law, order and quiet of the city of Virginia and the protection of the lives and property of the citizens thereof." Another act of the same Legislature legalized the contract made by the city with the Virginia and Gold Hill Water Company, but one clause in the act required that during the existence of the contract the city should "at any and all times have the right to use the said water for the extinguishment of fire and for the protection of said city from damage from fire." As a result of the fire a new charter was granted Virginia City, authorizing a paid fire department. Just two years before the great fire, in August, 1873, there had been great rejoicing and a celebration over the completion of a remarkable achievement in hydraulic engineering bringing to Virginia and Gold Hill a supply of pure mountain water from the Sierra Nevada Mountains. From the source of supply about a thousand feet higher than Virginia City an iron pipe was laid dropping down into the Washoe Valley and then raised by means of an inverted syphon to an elevation above Virginia and Gold Hill. The pipe was about seven miles long and at its outlet the water was delivered into a flume through which it flowed twelve miles to Virginia City. (An interesting story of this achievement is found in William Wright's History of the Big Bonanza.) But through lack of hydrants, proper pressure in the mains, and adequate equipment, the full efficiency of this system was not available at the time of the fire. [14] The United States Supreme Court in this decision, handed down May 7, 1877 (4 Otto, 762-767), gave a very concise and clear statement as to the property right developed by miners working on the public lands. Among other things, the decision is a justification for the views of the members of the constitutional convention who insisted that it would not be feasible to tax the property of mines or mining claims in themselves, but only the proceeds of mines. The collection of the tax levied against the Consolidated Virginia Company had been resisted on the ground that title in the land from which mineral was taken was in the United States and not for that reason liable to state taxation. The Supreme Court in affirming the decision of the United States District Court of Nevada said: It is very true that Congress has, by statutes and tacit consent permitted individuals and corporations to dig out and convert to their own use the ores containing the precious metals, which are found in the land belonging to the government, without exacting or receiving any compensation for those ores, and without requiring the miner to buy or pay for the land. It has gone farther and recognized the possessory rights of these miners, as ascertained among themselves by the rules which have become the laws of the mining districts as regards mining claims. . . . But in doing this it has not parted with the title to the land, except in cases where the land has been sold. . . . If the tax of the state of Nevada is, in point of fact, levied on this property right of the United States, we are bound by our previous decisions and by sound principle to hold that it is void. If, on the other hand, it is levied on property of the miners and may be collected without affecting or embarrassing the title of the United States to property which belongs to the government, then there is no ground for interference with the processes of the state in its collection. The four essential points in the decision were: 1. The moment mineral or ore becomes detached from the soil of the public lands in which it is embedded, it becomes personal property, the ownership of which is in the man whose labor, capital and skill discovered the mines and extracted the ore. 2. It is then free from lien, claim or title of the United States, and is rightfully subject to taxation by the state, as any other personal property is. 3. The Nevada statute which makes a tax on such ore a lien on the mines or mining claims from which the ore is extracted, is not an interference with the right of property of the government in the lands from which the ore is extracted. 4. Mining claims on public lands are property in the fullest sense of the word, which may be sold, transferred, mortgaged and inherited, without infringing the title of the United States. [15] Engineering and Mining Journal, Vol. 28, 356—Quoted in Walter R. Crane's Gold and Silver. [16] In Thompson and West's History. Senator Jones was elected to the United States Senate five terms. During the '90s he separated himself from the Republican party when the money question became the leading issue, but in his final years resumed that allegiance. After leaving the Senate in 1903 he retired to a home at Santa Monica, California. He died November 27, 1912. [17] Col. A. C. Ellis was born in Missouri July 12, 1840, graduated from the State University, completed his law course in Kentucky and had entered upon a professional and political career of much promise when the Civil war broke out. He was an officer with the Confederate forces in the campaign in Southern Missouri and Northwest Arkansas, but in 1863 came to Carson City, Nevada. He was candidate for governor in 1870. As a delegate to the national Democratic Convention of 1876 he presented the resolution against Chinese immigration, and in the convention of 1880 again took a prominent part in securing the adoption of the resolution against the Chinese. [18] William Woodburn was born in Ireland April 14, 1838, and died at Carson City January 15, 1915. He was admitted to the bar in 1866, began practice at Virginia City, was district attorney of Storey County in 1871-72. In 1884 he was again elected to Congress, and served in the Forty-ninth and Fiftieth Congresses, 1885-89. [19] On the previous day a preamble and resolution had been introduced into both Houses declaring that "it is a notorious and indisputable fact that William Sharon, candidate for senator, now is, and for more than three years last past has been, residing with his family, at his only and permanent family residence on Sutter Street in the city of San Francisco." In the Assembly the speaker ruled that the resolution was out of order, and in the Senate it was indefinitely postponed by a vote of sixteen to nine. Sharon had moved to Virginia City in 1864 as manager of the branch of the Bank of California. He represented Nevada in the United States Senate from 1875 to 1881. He was born in Jefferson County, Ohio, January 9, 1821, and died at San Francisco November 13, 1885. [20] When Fair became a candidate for the Senate in ½880 he was twitted for his lack of education and other qualifications that would enable him to move in the select circles of Washington. In replying to some of these criticisms the Gold Hill News declared that he was much more than a successful miner, mine manager and mining engineer. Though he had never graduated from any university of learning and most of his education had been acquired in the great school of the world, he was not by any means deficient in many of the higher branches of learning. "For practical ability, intelligence, general information, good judgment and sound common sense, Col. James G. Fair will average well with his fellow senators and congressmen at Washington." [21] One act containing such a restriction has a curious interest. It was "to promote the introduction and use of steam power for transportation purposes on common roads in the state." It permitted companies to purchase toll roads or build special roads or make use of the public roads, for the purpose of maintaining "lines of steam traction wagons or locomotives." While this was a long look ahead to the modern motor highway, it was not altogether a fantastic theory, since a genius in Nebraska during the Civil war had built a steam tractor engine, called "the steam wagon" for pulling a string of loaded wagons over the highway from Nebraska City to Fort Kearney. This steam tractor engine actually pulled a train of wagons for about eight miles until a casting broke, and after that the steam wagon remained at the side of the road for ten years, but gave a name to the highway which still remains. In this connection may be noted another curious piece of legislation regarding public highways, an act of 1875 which made it a misdemeanor for the owner of camels, dromedaries, to permit them to run at large on or about the public roads of the state. [22] At the same election and by an even larger vote the people ratified another constitutional amendment reading: "No public funds of any kind or character whatever, state, county or municipal, shall be used for sectarian purpose." [23] Whereas, all Chinese who come to this Coast arrive here under a contract to labor for a term of years, and are bound by such contract, not only by the superstitions of their peculiar religions, but by leaving their blood relations, fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, or cousins, as hostages in China for the fulfilment of their part of the contract; and whereas, such slave labor and involuntary servitude is opposed to the genius of our institutions, opposed to the prevailing spirit of the age, as well as to the humanity and Christianity, and degrades the dignity of labor, which is the foundation of Republican Institutions; and whereas, Section Seventeen of Article one of the Constitution of the State of Nevada reads as follows: "Neither slavery, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crimes, shall ever be tolerated in this State;" therefore, the people of the State of Nevada, represented in Senate and Assembly, do enact as follows: Section 1. The immigration to this State of all slaves and other people bound by contract to involuntary servitude for a term of years, is hereby prohibited. Sec. 2. It shall be unlawful for any company, person or persons, to collect the wages or compensation for the labor of the persons described in the first section of this Act. Sec. 3. It shall be unlawful for any corporation, company, person or persons, to pay to any owner, or agent of the owner of any such persons mentioned in section one of this Act, any wages or compensation for the labor of such slaves, or persons so bound by said contract to involuntary servitude. Sec. 4. Any violation of any of the provisions of this Act, shall be deemed a misdemeanor, and shall be punished by a fine of not less than three hundred dollars, nor more than one thousand dollars, or by imprisonment in the County Jail for a term of not less than three months or more than six months, or by both such fine and imprisonment. (Act of March 8, 1879.) [24] Many acts of violence and outrage against the Chinese occurred during the decade of the '80s, from Wyoming to the Pacific Coast. The United States Supreme Court upheld the act of ½888 which prohibited the issuance of further certificates to Chinese laborers, thus preventing their return to the United States. The same court upheld the exclusion act of 1892 in spite of the fact that it was in "contravention of stipulations in an earlier treaty." [25] "These court decisions established principles which even now are of vital concern to business and politics. From that time to this no one has denied the rights of state to fix maximum charges for any business which is public in its nature or which has been clothed with a public interest; nor has the inclusion of the railroad and warehouse businesses in that class been questioned. The opinion, however, that this right of the state is unlimited, and therefore not subject to judicial review, has been practically reversed. In 1890 the Supreme Court declared a Minnesota law invalid because it denied a judicial hearing as to the reasonableness of rates; and the courts now assume it to be their right and duty to determine whether or not rates fixed by legislation are so low as to amount to a deprivation of property without the process of law. In spite of this later limitation upon the power of the state, the granger decisions have furnished these legal bases for state regulation of railroads down to the present day. They are the most significant achievements of the anti-monopoly movement of the '70s." (Buck's The Agrarian Crusade.) [26] One of the shortest of these was the "Eureka Mill Railroad" just a little over a mile long, constructed by the Union Mill Company to transport ore from the main line of the Virginia and Truckee road to the mill on the Carson River. It was completed in March, 1872. [27] The responsibility of vetoing the railroad bill devolved upon Lieutenant-Governor Jewett W. Adams, who during the absence of Governor Bradley from the state on account of his health, was acting governor. The veto of Governor Adams is based not on opposition to a general policy of subsidizing railroad construction, but upon the same constitutional grounds which had caused Governor Blasdel to veto several special acts granting franchises. The act was, in the acting governor's opinion, a direct violation of the constitutional prohibition against special corporation acts. "A privilege is sought by the grantees of the franchise which could not be otherwise obtained. The general railroad law confers every power necessary to be used or acquired by the beneficiaries. The Legislature is approached for the sole purpose of imploring a privilege extraordinary and unusual in its nature, and which no other citizen or corporation may acquire." [28] Following is the controller's detailed explanation of the operations by which the state debt was refunded: In 1871 the State financial officers assisted in preparing, and urged the passage of the laws, enacted at that session, to fund the State debt and place it on a permanent cash basis. These laws divided the State debt into two classes, one to be known as the State Debt proper; amounting to $280,000.00, to be provided by the issuance of bonds running ten years, to be sold at par, and bearing interest at not more than ten per cent per annum, with a tax for Interest and Sinking Fund purposes of 25 cents on each 100 dollars assessed valuation. The other to be known as the Territorial Debt, being a consolidation of all the debts of the Territory of Nevada assumed by the State at its organization, amounting to $380,000.00, to be provided for by the issuance of bonds running fifteen years, likewise to be sold at par, and bearing interest at not more than 10 per cent per annum, with a like tax for Interest and Sinking Fund purposes, of 25 cents on each $100, assessed valuation. Thus it was that the entire bonded and floating debt of the State was consolidated and provided for, by the issue of $660,000 in State bonds, to be sold at not less than par, and bearing interest not exceeding 10 per cent per annum. Bonds to the amount of $160,000 were sold at par, bearing interest at 10 per cent, and the remaining $500,000 were likewise sold at par, bearing interest at 9% per cent. When these negotiations were completed, our bonded debt was $660,000 (with an Interest and Sinking Fund tax of 50 cents on each $100 assessed valuation), the annual interest on which was $63,500, in the place of a bonded debt of $500,000, bearing interest at the rate of 15 per cent per annum (with an Interest and Sinking Fund tax of 70 cents on each $100 assessed valuation), the annual interest on which was $75,000. This legislation gave twenty cents more of the then State tax of $1.25 to the general fund of the State, for the payment of current expenses; making that fund's pro-portion of the State tax 57 1/2 cents instead of 37 1/2 cents. It, also, saved the State $11,500 yearly in the amount paid out for interest on the State debt. At that session (1871) the financial officers were assisted in preparing the law (still in force) to tax the "net proceeds of the mines," commonly known as the "Bullion Tax Law," through the operation of which a much larger proportion of revenue has been derived from that source than under previous laws on that subject. In fact, so far as legislation is concerned, the laws of 1871, funding the State debt, and taxing the proceeds of the mines, are the principal causes of a full treasury at this time. At the session of the Legislature in 1875, this Department recommended that $190,000 be transferred from the large surplus then in the General Fund of the State to the State Interest and Sinking Fund; that the amount so transferred, together with the money already accumulated in the Interest and Sinking Fund, be used: first, in the redemption of the 10-year state bonds, if purchasable at such a rate as would guarantee the purchaser 6 per cent, per annum interest, on the amount paid, during the time they had to run; second, failing this, in the purchase of California or U. S. bonds, as an offset to the bonds of this character outstanding, and also the reduction of the tax for Interest and Sinking Fund purposes for the 10-year State bonds, from 25 cents to 5 cents on the $100 assessed valuation. This department also recommended that the tax for all State purposes be reduced from $1.25 to 90 cents. These recommendations were enacted into laws by that Legislature, and the result has been a savings to the taxpayers of the State of over half a million of dollars in the past four years; ample means to defray the expenses of the State government, and such a surplus in the State treasury, that a further and large reduction can now safely be made in the rate of State taxation, thereby lightening the burdens of taxpayers. [29] One minor extension of state service during this time resulted from an appropriation of $1000 by the Legislature of 1877, authorizing the appointment of a fish commissioner, who established a hatchery at Carson City and began stocking the Humboldt, Truckee and Carson rivers and Washoe and Walker Lake with game and food fish. [30] It was a pet project of Governor Bradley to build a new state prison and use the old one at Carson City as an asylum for the insane. Under authority conferred by an act of March, 1873, the state prison commissioners had selected as a site about 200 acres on the bank of the Truckee River about a mile east of Reno, and in June, 1875, the board made a contract for the construction of the walls of the new state prison. This contract was fulfilled in 1876. A majority report was brought in by a legislative committee approving the work that had been done and recommending appropriations to carry on the construction, while a minority of the committee declared that the proposed prison had been laid out on too expensive a scale and that it would be better to pay out $20,000 to confirm the title to the site of the old prison than to pay $250,000 for the construction of a building that was not needed at Reno. In the end the state prison remained at Carson City, and the asylum for the insane went to Reno. [31] The sixth session of the Legislature in 1873 had set on foot some investigation as to the feasibility and cost of providing for the insane patients in Nevada instead of contracting them out to the institution in California. A special committee of the Assembly brought in a report as to the propriety of the state purchasing for an insane asylum a property that even today is one of the interesting landmarks of Nevada, the famous "Bowers Mansion." This property as described by the committee was located under a spur of the Sierra Nevada Mountains about the center of the Washoe Valley, the farm around it containing 120 acres of fine bottom land. The house is situated immediately under a bluff of the mountain, about one mile from Franktown, the same distance from the Virginia and Truckee Railroad—thus being advantageously situated for access on the conveyance of patients and visitors. The dwelling is of itself one of the finest, if not the finest, in the State, built of dressed granite, containing sixteen rooms, which can for the purpose of an asylum be divided into about twenty-five rooms of suitable dimensions for the purposes required, which can be increased by the addition of another story on both main building and adjoining wings, as was the original idea of the architect thereby increasing the capacity at least one-third, which, with the present outbuildings, can be made to contain all the present and prospective inmates for some time to come. The present dwelling is furnished in good style, and would, so far as it goes, all be required in the institution. The dwelling and bath-house are supplied with both hot and cold water from springs upon the premises. The garden and lawn are laid out and planted with numerous varieties of ornamental plants, shrubs, and fruit trees, many of which are in bearing; besides, there is a grove of native pines, adding much to the beauty and comfort of the place, as do the miniature lakes, islands, etc. In connection with the garden and lawn, there is a fine green-house, well filled with tropical and exotic plants and shrubs. The library contains five hundred volumes of very choicely selected and costly books. The hall and other walls are covered with costly paintings and lithographs, besides many articles of necessity and luxury. There is a fine cellar under the dwelling of sufficient capacity for the wants of such an institution. The price at which the property above described can be pro-cured is thirty thousand dollars; or, with a reserve of the furniture of three rooms, viz: back parlor, billiard-room, and one bed-room, twenty-eight thousand dollars; or the grounds and dwelling, without furniture, twenty thousand dollars. The Bowers Mansion originated in the typical prodigality of one of the early miners in the Washoe country who found himself possessed of more money than he knew how to spend to his own satisfaction. The story is well told in Thompson & West's History: Lemuel S. Bowers, commonly known as "Sandy," was an ignorant easy going frontiersman, happening in 1859 to be mining for gold in Gold Canyon by the simple process of washing the mineral bearing earth in a rocker, and as developments continued found that his claim of ten feet covered a portion of the Comstock Lode. Adjoining was a claim of the same dimensions belonging to Mrs. Cowan, who also resided in the canyon and was washing and cooking for the miners. The two married, and the claims became one, proving of extraordinary richness. In a few years they were overwhelmed with wealth. Too ignorant of business, they knew nothing of prudent or cautious investments, and became the tools of harpies. The now wealthy couple were advised—as a good joke—to take a tour through Europe to see the sights and become polished in accordance with the station they were in the future to occupy. They were also advised to build a palace worthy such a party to reside in. Accordingly in 1861 the "Bowers Mansion" was commenced in the wilderness of Washoe Valley. . . . Sandy and his wife spent several years abroad, purchased much elegant furniture, laces and pictures for his mansion in Washoe, which was erected at a cost of over $400,000, and returned, and still had "money to throw at the birds"; the hawks and vultures and other birds of prey getting the greater portion. Without any good missionary to instruct, or any strong friend to advise or direct, he continued to throw money at the birds with the approval and encouragement of flatterers, sycophants and robbers, and his princely fortune was wasted. His widow earns a precarious livelihood near the scenes of her former toils—and glory. [32] "It is easy to account for the widespread alarm caused by the Indian trouble in September, 1875. The facts developed in the Lee trial at Beaver, Utah, of the horrible cruelties and inhuman butcheries of the Mountain Meadows massacre were then fresh in the minds of the people. The assembling of a large band of Indians in August near Corinne, threatening that town and necessitating the presence of United States troops to disperse them, was additional cause of distrust of the Indians on our eastern border. The good faith, too, of our Mormon neighbors, who from reports in newspapers, had been particularly active of late in baptizing into their church hundreds of savages, was very generally doubted by our people."—From Governor Bradley's message of 1877. [33] A legislative committee after investigating the university in 1877 reported that the cost of the dormitory building, the enclosure, the erection of outbuildings, the construction of 900 feet of sidewalk, some minor repairs of the university building, the furniture of the dormitory, the purchase of school apparatus, the other current expenses of the school, including salary of principal, had all been defrayed out of the $20,000 appropriation, leaving about $5,000 which reverted to the general fund.
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