|
Nevada's Online State News Journal
|
|||||
Nevada History:[This work is taken from a manuscript written by the publisher of The Nevada Observer in 1979-1980 and converted to digital form; Copyright © 2006 David Thompson] EARLY GOVERNMENTS IN NEVADA
Chapter IV The Carson Valley People's Court. Part One: Disorder It wasn't long before there were examples of the sort of social turbulence mentioned in the 1857 Memorial to Congress. Within six days of the Territorial Convention, travelers to Placerville reported a killing in the settlements of Western Utah: A desperate fight took place in Gold Cañon. One of the desperadoes who escaped from the officers at Folsom (a negro) stole a mule near Georgetown, and was followed to Carson Valley, and found secreted in the willows with the stolen mule. A party of five, residents of the valley, volunteered to assist in arresting him. They discovered the negro going over a bluff on the opposite side of the hill, and ordered him to stop or they would shoot him. The negro being armed with a musket, an Indian was sent around to intercept his retreat, in doing which the Indian was compelled to fire upon him, as the negro made a stand to defend himself, shooting him through the hips and bringing him down upon his knees. Upon this the whites rushed upon him, firing as they ran, and when within about six yards of him, he raised himself up and brought his piece to bear upon one of the party named Daniel Mayland and fired, putting ten buckshot through his heart, killing him instantly. The body of the negro was given over to the Pahupe [sic] Indian who first shot him, and received such a burial as will hereafter be a warning, (as the Indian said,) to all thieves. The negro was well known as a desperate character and his loss is not to be regretted.[1] On August twenty-fourth, 1857 a party of overland emigrants seized "California Jim" Tulley at a trading station on the Sink of the Humboldt. [2] The emigrants accused "California Jim", the station-keeper's assistant, of having been involved in an attack upon a wagon train in which several persons were killed.[3] A self-constituted jury tried Tulley, found him guilty, and sentenced him to death.[4] "California Jim" requested some time to compose a last letter to his mother, and when he attempted to escape he was shot.[5]Then trouble broke out in Genoa, where William B. "Lucky Bill" Thorington and Col. William H. "Uncle Billy" Rogers were partners in the construction of a hotel. [6] The workmen had just finished, so Thorington and Rogers scheduled a grand opening celebration for August twentieth, 1857.[7] The festivities began in the evening, with about thirty ladies and seventy gentlemen in attendance.[8] One observer characterized it as "the largest and most fashionable party ever given in the Valley."[9] At about ten o'clock that night there was a fracas in the hotel, and accounts differed as to how it went. In an early report, a correspondent of the San Joaquin Republican speculated on what had caused the row:The principals in the difficulty were leading men of rival clans, who had an old grudge against each other, and had determined on a "muss" at the ball. The proprietors of the hotel were neutrals. As is usually in such cases, women were at the bottom of it, and bad whiskey, of the "fighting brand," at the top. [10]According to a party of traders arriving in Placerville from Carson Valley right after the incident, this is what happened at the "desperate and bloody fight": The difficulty arose between several young men and Col. Rodgers [sic], who had ordered them in a harsh manner to leave the room, when they were in company with a woman of disreputable character, formerly known in Sacramento as Miss Lamb, alias "Buker", lately the mistress of the notorious "Lucky Bill," alias "Thorrington." High words passed between Rodgers and the others, one of whom, named Sidus [Sides], knocked Rodgers down and left the house. Rodgers went out and armed himself. He afterwards returned to the room, when a man named Abernethy took up the quarrel and offered to fight it out in any shape. Rodgers drew his pistol and shot, the ball grazing the top of Abernethy's head, taking his scalp completely off. At the instant of firing, Abernethy threw a rock at Col. Rodgers, striking him in the eye, and destroying it completely. Both dropped at the same instant. Abernethy got up and completely mashed Rodgers' face by kicking him. The next day a party went to Rodgers' house and found he had gone, and the woman also. They then went to work and tore the house down. The whole population are determined to commence at once and give all disreputable characters notice to leave. Luckey [sic] Bill and his mistress will be the first to walk the plank. A Vigilance Committee is to be organized by these same parties. [11]A correspondent of the Placerville Mountain Democrat, in a letter published September fifth, 1857, took issue with a similar version: The report of an affray here on the 20th ult., in which Col. Rodgers' name appears in no enviable light, is a misrepresentation of facts, reported, no doubt, by designing persons to injure our "place" and some of its worthy citizens. The Col. is alive and as well as usual, Abernathy also. The hotel was opened on the morning of the 21st, and is doing a thriving business under the management of D. E. Gilbert. A statement of facts has been forwarded to California for publication. [12]On the third of September "W.W.", a correspondent of the Sacramento Union, disputed the telegraphic report which had appeared in that paper on August twenty-sixth, and gave a more detailed description: The telegraphic dispatch from Placerville, August 25th, giving what purported to be an account of a "Desperate Fight in Carson Valley," on the occasion of the opening of Uncle Billy Rodgers' House, was so much exaggerated, as to cause a hearty laugh. The "trader" who reported the facts has drawn entirely on his imagination. Before he pays our Valley another visit, I would oblige him to keep his "fertile" imagination within the bounds of reason and propriety, when he has statements to make touching the private character of our worthy citizens, or there may be occasion for the formation of that Vigilance Committee for his especial benefit. But to the facts. On the evening of the 20th ult., Col. Rodgers gave a "ball," as stated, which was the largest and most fashionable party ever given in the Valley. Every thing was going off in happy style in the ball room, about 10 o'clock, when a misunderstanding arose between the gentleman who was receiving tickets at the door, and a Mr. Sides, who was under the influence of liquor. Sides imagined himself insulted, and left the room. He found his way into the kitchen among the cooks, where he was met by Col. Rodgers, and by him requested to leave for a more proper locality. Sides seemed to be anxious for a muss, and tried to pick a quarrel out of Uncle Billy. They both left the kitchen. But soon after, again meeting in front of the hotel, the quarrel was renewed by Sides, who, by the way, is a large man -- young and muscular. Uncle Billy endeavored, by words and actions, to avoid a difficulty, and got out of the way, but being pressed upon, he is not the man to retreat. The difficulty down stairs, caused a general stampede amongst the ladies in the ball room. All efforts on the part of their gallants to rally proved abortive, and the party broke up in disorder. This proved too much for Uncle Billy. Having lost control of his usual good temper, he called upon his friends to see him through. A pistol was placed in Rodgers' hand by a friend, while Sides and his friends were armed with rocks. Rodgers retreated into the house and ascended one or two steps leading to the ball-room where Sides struck him; whereupon Rodgers fired two shots from his revolver -- one shot taking effect in the door and the other passing through the opening into the street. Rodgers was instantly struck with a rock in the face, just below the right eye, causing a very severe cut and bruising the side of his face frightfully. Bowan Abernathy, a friend to Sides, who, it is said, threw the rock and struck Rodgers, wrenched the pistol from Rodgers and commenced beating him with it, when he was taken off by Jno. Trumbo and "Truckee Bill," who conveyed Uncle Billy out of the crowd. On taking an account of the slain and wounded, it was found that Mr. Abernathy had received a cut on the top of his head about an inch long, laying open the scalp. Whether caused by one of the pistol shots fired by Rodgers, or from the effects of a rock in the hands of a silent friend to the latter, will, I presume, forever remain a mystery. The assailants, on learning the fact that blood had been shed in their ranks, swore vengeance on the whole Rodgers race, together with their friends, if an attempt should be made to cross them in their war-path. Old John Rodgers, the martyr, would have stood no better show than he did at the stake, had he been captured on the streets of Genoa during the silent watches of that memorable night. Threats were made to tear down the hotel, but on searching for the remains of Uncle Billy within its walls, they found it deserted, and they were left complete masters of the field. Finding nothing else to wreak their vengeance upon, they commenced a savage warfare on the roast pigs and fowls prepared for the hungry dancers. After satisfying their voracious appetites they quietly dispersed, each to be on duty early in the morning. But no further hostile movements were made during the day. Perhaps they thought it would not look so brave to see six or eight young able-bodied men (for the credit of our community let me here state they would number no more, and I think that not more than four or five were on active service) hunting down an old man of sixty in daylight, whose only offense in this case was the protection of his person, property, and the reputation of his house. Uncle Billy still lives, to see out of both eyes, and has, happily, recovered from all his wounds except in name and pocket. The latter will, doubtless be made O.K. by the boys: All he demands from them is an indemnity for the destruction of his property and loss of business. It is generally acknowledged to be nothing more than justice for those who dance to pay the fiddler. The hotel (the seat of war) was opened as usual the next morning after the affray, and is now owned and under the proprietorship of D.E. Gilbert, late of Placerville. It is reported that Uncle Billy will again assume the management of the house in a few days. As to the formation of a Vigilance Committee here, such a thing has never been thought of by our citizens, and I see no occasion for such an organization now. As we have had peace and quietness ever since the "Trader" left, the probability is that those disreputable characters mentioned in his report, left with him. It is a subject of universal observation by visitors, that they never in a new country met with a more peaceable, courteous and hospitable set of people in their lives than those they find in Carson Valley. [13]Shortly after the disturbance at Rogers & Thorington's hotel, there was an Indian war scare in Carson Valley. There had been some trouble between the white settlers of Western Utah and the Washoe Indians in the spring of 1857. In May of that year several settlers seized some members of "Captain Jim"'s band, charging them with horse stealing. The whites whipped and then released the Washoes, which, according to Maj. William M. Ormsby; "greatly exasperated them." [14] "Captain Jim" had signal fires lit on the mountain tops to assemble a general meeting of the Washoe tribe.[15] The alarmed settlers began to prepare for the worst, but despite the provocation, war did not result.[16]"Uncle Billy" Rogers operated some copper mines in Hope Valley, and had a cabin there. [17] On the fourth of September, 1857, someone robbed Rogers' cabin, and the caretaker that "Uncle Billy" had left suspected that some Washoe Indians were the culprits.[18] Rogers' man ordered the Indians out of the camp, and reported that "they were very impudent."[19]Toward twilight of the following day, September fifth, an emigrant camped near Slippery Ford bridge on the Placerville route heard a shot ring out a few hundred yards up the road. [20] The emigrant investigated, and found a hat and a pool of blood.[21] Believing that somebody had been murdered, the emigrant rode to Smith & Muir's Station in Lake Valley to report what he had seen.[22] The next day a search party rode back on the road to Placerville; and after a brief look around found signs that a body had been dragged off the road.[23] They found the corpse of John McMarlin, a packer, hidden in the undergrowth, shot by a rifle ball and two arrows.[24] The body had been nearly stripped of clothing.[25] A hat found near the murder scene was identified as belonging to a Washoe Indian from "Captain Jim's" band -- sixty or seventy Washoes from this group were camped in the vicinity.[26]A day or two later searchers found the body of another packer, James Williams, who had been traveling in the company of McMarlin. [27] Williams had been killed by a rifle shot, and his body was also stripped of clothing.[28] The Washoes were accused of having committed the killings, and there were cries for vengeance within the white community.[29]About a week later, three Washoe Indians came into Genoa and trouble ensued. The Indians, it seemed, exactly answered the description of those who had robbed Col. Rogers' cabin. [30] "Uncle Billy" encountered the three Washoes on the main street, and started talking with them. Rogers described the outcome of this conversation to a reporter from the California State Journal, which published the following report:One of them had a gun, and another wore a shirt recognized by Rogers as his own. One of the workmen happened to be in Genoa on the day, and he recognized the three as among those who visited the cabin. Col. Rogers took the gun and placed his finger in the muzzle. This action alarmed the Indians, and they attempted to break away. One of the bystanders raised his pistol and they dared not attempt to escape. Col. Rogers persuaded the man to put up his revolver, at the same time telling the Indians that he wanted nothing except the names of the murderers and robbers. They refused to answer, and watching their opportunity made another attempt and succeeded in breaking loose. Col. Rogers immediately drew his revolver and commenced firing, succeeding in wounding one of them in two places. This was a relative of Capt. Jim, who resides at Indian Diggings, and is suspected to be one of the murderous gang. [31]The wounded Indian proved to be "Captain Jim"'s brother, and notwithstanding his injuries, he and his two friends were able to make their escape. [32] When the news of this skirmish reached "Captain Jim"'s camp, the Washoes began to arm themselves for a war against the whites, and many of the Indians painted their faces red.[33] Needless to say, the Washoes also avoided the white settlements.Chief Winnemucca offered the whites at Genoa the assistance of Paiute warriors to help track down the murderers of McMarlin and Williams, in return for supplies and equipment, and the ancient rivals of the Washoe tribe began to gather along the banks of the Carson River. [34]Towards the end of September the body of William H. Larkin was found at his cabin on the east fork of the Carson, shot through the head. [35] Larkin's partner, Charles Stewart was missing, and a number of whites concluded that both men had been murdered by the Washoes.[36] There was considerable alarm in Genoa, as there was no militia organization in all of Western Utah.[37] "Uncle Billy" Rogers was in town at that time, about to leave on business for California.[38] Just as he was mounting his horse, a crowd of citizens gathered around Rogers "and requested him to be the bearer of a petition to the Governor of California, for assistance to whip the Indians."[39]"Uncle Billy" returned within a couple of weeks with twenty-five muskets and a force of about fifteen men. [40] At about the same time, the Washoes became very shy of the whites, and moved their principal camp from a spot near Genoa to the head of Carson Valley, in the area of Cary' s Mill.[41] There was also talk that the Paiutes were planning to take advantage of the situation to dispossess the Washoes of their tribal lands.[42] Apparently seeking to avert an imminent war, "Captain Jim" sent a party of Washoe fighting men into the mountains after the men identified as the murderers of McMarlin and Williams -- "Tom," "Big Alex" and "Charley."[43]On the twenty-first of October, "Charley" happened to come into Carson Valley, but in view of the obvious commotion, kept himself hidden from the whites. [44] "Captain Jim" was later able to lure "Charley" into "Lucky Bill" Thorington's Carson River ranch house, while "Uncle Billy" Rogers and his men surrounded the place.[45] "Charley" crawled under "Lucky Bill"'s bed but was discovered and arrested by Rogers on October twenty-sixth, 1857.[46]After "Charley"'s arrest James McMarlin, the brother of the murdered packer, interrogated the prisoner through an interpreter, but could not get the Washoe to talk. [47] However, when captured, "Charley" was wearing the dead McMarlin's trousers.[48] On October twenty-seventh the white settlers of Genoa put "Charley" on trial for murder.[49] According to "Charley"'s statement at his trial, he was present when McMarlin and Williams were killed, but did not himself take an active part in the murders.[50] "Charley" said that while he was lying in the underbrush trying to fix his gun, "Tom Posooke" and "Big Alex" killed the two packers.[51] "Charley" also identified the arrows taken from McMarlin's body as belonging to "Big Alex".[52] While the jury was deliberating on its verdict, "Charley" struck one of his guards and made an attempt to escape, which ended fatally for him.[53] Bystanders opened fire on the fleeing Indian, and two bullets brought "Charley" down -- he died that same night.[54] Approximately thirty Paiute and Washoe Indians attended the trial, according to Chauncey Noteware, and seemed satisfied that justice had been served.[55]Col. Rogers then gathered his small force to pursue the two remaining murderers. [56] He desisted when "Captain Jim" assured him that the Washoes would take care of the killers, by capturing them and turning them over to the whites.[57] Rogers and some of his men then apparently made some arrangement to winter at Genoa, while the remainder disbanded and returned to California.[58] This left about twelve men with "Uncle Billy" at Genoa by November nineteenth, 1857.[59]A number of the residents of Carson Valley were unhappy with the presence of this force, which was termed an "Army of Occupation." [60] About this time James Williams, a merchant doing business in the Valley, arrived at Placerville to purchase provisions. While there, Williams told the editors of the Placerville Argus that "disturbances are of daily occurrence between the citizens there, and the men composing Col. Rodgers' command".[61] The Carson Valley correspondent of the San Francisco Herald, "Tennessee," wrote that three men had been dismissed by "Uncle Billy" for disorderly conduct.[62] On the evening of November twentieth there was a party to celebrate the wedding of John K. Trumbo to Mary Reese at Genoa; a party which effectively ended the "Army of Occupation". A correspondent of the Placerville Argus described the break-up:". . . on the occasion the commander-in-chief of the soldiers then stationed in Genoa, marched them out to fire a salute; but the pliant military partook rather freely of wine, or something stronger, and after marching back to their 'winter quarters,' concluded, as fighting was their calling, they had better have a scrimmage on the present occasion. No enemy presenting themselves, they pitched into a fist and skull fight with each other, in which some black eyes turned rather blue, and perhaps some blue eyes a little black. The Colonel, in his efforts to quell the disturbance, fired several shots from a pistol, which did no further damage except to punch a hole through the leg of one man's boots and pants. The soldiers have since disbanded, and most of them left for California. [63]Part Two: Organized Bands of Robbers In 1856 an organized band of horse thieves began operating in the vicinity of Honey Lake Valley. Livestock owners along the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevada were the principal victims of these bandits. [64] The reaction of the residents of the area was emphatic, as described in an article published that summer in the Quincy Old Mountaineer:The robbers are undoubtedly connected with a similar band, scattered throughout the State, as they are running expresses every night, going and coming. They have in their possession a splendid mare of moderate size, and great fleetness, besides other fine animals. They have stolen some eight or ten horses from different persons residing in the valley. The gang is composed of eight or ten Americans and two or three Mexican, and are constantly on the alert. The citizens of the Valley have organized themselves into a Vigilance Committee, and are out in hot pursuit of the villains, accompanied by the Chief of the Indians resident in the valley, with fifty of his tribe. The Committee are determined to hang every one they take, and give warning that all persons found, who are of a suspicious character, loafing about in the Valley, that they will be taken, tied up to a post and receive a severe whipping, and sent out of the Valley, unless they decamp immediately. [65]Not long after this threat, a band of robbers, said to be the Honey Lake stock thieves, descended upon Beckwith Valley and ran off about a hundred mules. [66]An expressman for John Kirk's Central Overland Wagon Road expedition arrived at Genoa on the evening of August ninth, 1857. [67] The courier brought the report that, as in the year before, a regularly organized band of highwaymen were operating along the Truckee River branch of the California Trail.[68] This gang of thieves consisted of Indians, Spaniards and Americans, and made its rendezvous in the Truckee River Valley:A trader who had purchased a large stock of goods of Ormsby & Smith, intending to establish a post on the Truckee River, was attacked and robbed of his whole stock -- team, arms and personal effects -- by three of the gang. He succeeded in shooting one of them, an Indian, supposing they were all Indians, but he found the other two wearing Indian apparel to be whites. The expressman was fired upon in passing through Truckee Valley, and narrowly escaped being shot. He passed a man coming in from Truckee, who had been robbed of everything moveable, taking away his oxen, wagon, gun and provisions, and not allowing him to take provisions enough to get to the Station. [69]Within the week, Thomas Cook's wagon train company arrived at Placerville and confirmed earlier reports of disorders on the route, stating that a regularly organized system, operated by white men, was under way to rob and harass the emigrants. [70] Cook's comments appeared in a telegraphic dispatch to the Sacramento Union, whose editors noted another peculiar circumstance:Reports have been continually brought in of the suffering on the Truckee route, by emigrants who had been influenced to take that route by a trader named Blackford, who has a post on the Desert. Nearly every party which has taken that route, and not strong enough for self-protection, has been either robbed of all or a portion of its property. Major Ormsby will go far enough out to remedy, as far as possible, this state of affairs, gotten up by a few unprincipled adventurers for pecuniary purposes. [71]Robberies on the Truckee River route continued unabated through August, 1857, and a report published in the Placerville Mountain Democrat noted that because of the troubles there and at Honey Lake Valley, a considerable quantity of the emigration had abandoned the road and traveled down through Truckee Meadows, Steamboat and Washoe Valleys through Genoa to reach Placerville. [72]Persistent rumors also credited the stock thieves with involvement in a number of mysterious killings along the eastern slope of the mountains. Some of the intended victims were able to recover, but none were able to positively identify their unknown assailants. In the summer of 1856, for example, D.H. Barbour (or Barber) of Carson Valley was shot and nearly killed by an unseen gunman at the north end of Long Valley, and at about the same time a Shasta County, California man named Wood had a similar experience. [73]There was recurrent speculation that same year that the murder of Lucius Lindsay on the summer of the Sierra Nevada mountains was connected in some way with bandit operations in the area, despite evidence indicating that Lindsay had been killed by Indians. The tale was certainly strange enough. Lucius Lindsay, a resident of Indian Diggings, California, left Tragedy Springs Station on the thirteenth of August, 1856. [74] Lindsay had two pack mules and a horse loaded with provisions, and said he intended to meet some friends out on the plains.[75] On the way, he met with strangers on the road, and died:On Wednesday, the 13th August, Mr. Briggs, of Tragedy Springs, on the summit of the mountain, and another gentleman, were returning this way on the old Placerville road, about twenty miles beyond Tragedy Springs, when they met a man who was traveling eastward, mounted on a roan horse, and leading two pack mules. He was about five feet, four or five inches high, with black whiskers, had rings in his ears, and a silver ring on one of his fingers. He did not give his name, but stated that he was going forward with provisions to meet some friends whom he expected across the plains, and that he was unarmed. At the time he met the returning travelers, two Indians were listlessly standing by apparently uninterested spectators. One was armed with a rifle and the other with a bow and arrows. The unknown traveler asked the two gentlemen if they supposed there was any danger to be apprehended from the Indians. Upon closely observing the movements of the savages they told him that they thought there was, and that if he was going on he had best push rapidly for an encampment -- that of Dr. Hoy and party, of Calaveras -- about a mile or a mile and a half down the mountain on Red Lake, then saddling up, which they had just passed -- at the same time pointing out the encampment of the party. Soon after another party passed along the road, and a little further on found the solitary traveler dead, his body stripped of every vestige of clothing, a bullet hole in his breast, and his horse and mules gone. There could be no doubt but that he was inhumanly murdered by the two Indians on his mission of mercy. [76]There were doubts, however. The editors of the Placerville American published a story on September thirteenth, 1856 giving a very different impression of Lindsay's life: It now appears that this man was one of a band of horse thieves of the name of Lindsley (sic), and at the time of being murdered was actually packing through supplies to their place of rendezvous in the mountains, a few miles to the south of Rocky Canyon, and that the Sheriff of Calaveras county was in pursuit of Lindsley at the time he was murdered; that the band to which Lindsley belong, on learning of his death; removed at once from their mountain valley position with a drove of horses, and doubtless stolen property; were traced towards Walker's river, where, upon some of its mountain tributaries they are in all probability at this time. So that the man murdered, whether by Indians (as was then supposed;) or by white men, met with a swifter justice than doubtless he had supposed he had bargained for. [77]According to regional reports, two members of a posse from Amador County -- William Burnsides and George Schuler -- wore responsible for Lindsay's death. [78] However, an article published in the Jackson Sentinel contradicted this version of the affair, and subsequent details related to the editors of the Sacramento Union by a friend of Lindsay tended to support the original story that he had been killed by the Indians.[79] There was no fully satisfying solution to the mystery, and the circumstances surrounding the death remained unclear.When John McMarlin and James Williams were killed on the summit of the Sierra Nevada in September, 1857, there was originally some suspicion that the murderers had been white men. [80] Although substantial evidence existed to indicate that the two men had been killed by Washoe Indians, talk persisted that the killers were white, despite the confession, trial and shooting of "Charley" at Genoa for the crime.[81]At about the same time as the deaths of McMarlin and Williams, there was another mysterious murder in Western Utah. William H. Larkin was found shot to death in his cabin on the east fork of the Carson River; Larkin's partner, Charles (or James) Stewart was missing. [82] There were no end of theories about this case, which remained unsolved. Some people said that Stewart murdered Larkin and left the country, while others said that both men had been killed by the Washoe Indians.[83] Most people believed that both men had been murdered by unknown hands -- probably by the gang of stock thieves and bandits who were active in the area.[84]These strange murders and ambushes disturbed the residents of Carson County, who were left without any system for administering the law, and the knowledge that a gang of killers and robbers were operating in the area unsettled many of the citizens living on the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevada. In the early autumn of 1857, Shasta County Deputy Sheriff Charles Uhl was able to catch three of the horse thieves in Honey Lake Valley. [85] Their names were Chris. Lowery, Henry Ingraham and Sam Benenger, formerly of St. Louis, Sierra County, California.[86] As a matter of fact, Lowery, Ingraham and Benenger were lucky that Deputy Sheriff Uhl was the man who had them in custody. An eyewitness told the editors of the Marysville Herald that "had the Sheriff of Shasta arrived a little later, he might have been spared the trouble of escorting them back for trial; and we are by no means certain that they are not at this time ornamenting the branches of some lofty pine by the wayside."[87]Part Three: The Trial Of "Lucky Bill" On December fifth, 1857, William C. Edwards shot and killed William Snelling in Merced County, California. [88] Edwards had been involved in some difficulty with Snelling's brother-in-law, and didn't seem to like Snelling either.[89] Snelling operated a post office, hotel and saloon on the Merced River -- the scene of his murder. The editors of the Stockton Argus told the story this way:The parties had eaten supper at the hotel in that place, when Edwards, while in the bar room, turned upon his victim, whom he had preceded out of the dining room, and said "there's William Snelling, a s-- of a -----," and at the same moment raised his pistol and fired at him, the ball entering Snelling's sides, passing through the lungs, and coming out the opposite side. Snelling fell against the partition, but recovering himself, drew a Derringer pistol and fired at Edwards, who jumped over the counter and dodged behind it as he saw Snelling drawing a weapon, thus escaping injury. Edwards then ran out of the house, when he was met by the Sheriff, who caught him and wrenched his pistol from him. Edwards managed to escape, however, into a thicket close by, and was soon out of reach. Snelling's family was immediately sent for, who came to find their protector in a dying condition, as the attending physician stated there was no hope for his life when our informant left, about half an hour after the cowardly deed. Three parties started out in pursuit of Edwards, and are determined to spare no effort to arrest him. Snelling is said to have been a very peaceable man. [90]Edwards left Merced County immediately, as Snelling was a prominent man who had many friends. These friends, and Snelling's fraternal associates, offered a reward of $1,500 for Edwards' capture; an offer that was widely circulated on the Pacific coast. [91]Edwards crossed the Sierra Nevada and descended into Carson Valley, where he went to see William B. "Lucky Bill" Thorington. [92] Thorington was one of the best known citizens of Western Utah Territory, and in 1858 was about forty-five years old.[93] He owned a ranch on the Carson River[94], a house in Genoa[95], and was the proprietor of the Carson Canyon toll road.[96] Also, he was partners with Col. William H. "Uncle Billy" Rogers in a Genoa hotel[97], and had other interests as well.[98]Thorington's nick-name of "Lucky Bill" appeared well deserved. In early November, 1854, a correspondent of the Sacramento Union encountered "Lucky Bill" on the stagecoach traveling between Sacramento and Placerville, and described his impressions of Thorington in a letter: He is one of those men whose destinies are cast under a fortunate star, for which reason he has received the significant appellation of "Lucky Bill." He is a complete man of the world, more than six feet high, rosy cheeked, and is said to prosper in every undertaking through life. At the gaming table, without possessing any superior accomplishments as a player, ho defies the deepest laid plans of the "professionals." If he purchases a sick horse, which, with any other person, would be certain to die, it recovers, and Lucky Bill more than doubles his money on him. So with everything else. He has twice gone home to the States with ample fortunes, and as many times returned to increase his gains. At present he is residing in Carson Valley, where he raises the fattest stock in the whole region -- as a proof of which there is now a bullock at Mud Springs, brought over by him on his recent trip, weighing upwards of three thousand pounds! This man was a decided character. He told an infinite number of jokes, and joined as heartily in the laugh at them as any one else. Occasionally he gave vent to an ebullition of piety, but was sure to destroy its effect by a sudden plunge into the entrenchments of sin. [99]Thorington was a native of Chenango County, New York, but left that vicinity in 1848 with his parents. [100] According to Mott Wells of Honey Lake Valley, who knew "Lucky Bill" there, Thorington left New York because he was involved in a discovered forgery.[101] After leaving New York Thorington lived at Marshall, in Calhoun County, Michigan.[102] William Dow and other pioneer residents of Honey Lake Valley remembered him from Michigan, and said that Thorington had boon a gambler and associated with bad characters in Calhoun County.[103] In 1850 Thorington crossed the plains to California, and settled at Placerville.[104]In the spring of 1852 Thorington traveled to Michigan, where he persuaded three young girls to return to California with him. [105] They got as far as Peoria, Illinois when the parents and friends of the runaway girls overtook Thorington. Two of the girls left the gambler to take the road back to Michigan, but one, Martha Lamb, followed "Lucky Bill" to Placerville.[106]In 1854 Thorington brought his wife and child to Carson Valley from Michigan, and the three arrived at Genoa on the eleventh of July. [107] In the meantime, Martha Lamb had apparently spent some time in Sacramento, where she acquired a disreputable character and the nick-name of "Buker".[108] By the summer of 1858, however, Martha Lamb was living at Thorington's Carson River ranch with her baby, while "Lucky Bill", his wife Maria and son Jerome lived in the Genoa house.[109]Thorington was active in local politics, and in later years the Carson Valley territorial movement seemed to dominate his efforts in this field. [110] "Lucky Bill" passed much of his leisure time in games of chance, games at which he was remarkably successful.[111] There are a number of tales concerning "Lucky Bill" and his skill at "thimble-rig", also known as the "shell game", in which the player attempts to guess which of three scrambled thimbles hides a pea:In 1854 a couple of California bound emigrants stopped at Mormon Station, and had a falling out, and it transpired that they were partners, one of them owning the wagon and cattle that hauled it, while the other, who had a wife, supplied the provisions. The expense of this provision supply and incidentals along the route had exhausted the husband's finances, and the owner of the train refused to take the bankrupt emigrants any further. Lucky Bill passing, saw the woman weeping disconsolately by the wagon, and his sympathies were at once aroused. Upon inquiry he learned the state of affairs, and told the husband and wife to borrow no further trouble, for he would see that they reached the Sacramento without further delay. That night the owner of the outfit was induced to bet against Lucky Bill, in his "thimble-rig game", and in the morning he had neither an outfit nor a dollar in money left. The winner gave him back fifteen dollars of the money, bought him a new pair of boots to travel in, told him to "lite out" for California on foot, and never after that to bet against any one who was playing his own game. To the bankrupt family he gave a cow, spent the loser's money in buying them provisions, etc., and then hired a man to drive the team with them to California. [112]Two years later, Thorington was similarly philanthropic: In 1856 three men put up one night at Lucky Bill's station in Carson Canyon, on their way home to the States. One of them was a white-haired old man, poverty-stricken and discouraged with his failures in California. In the morning his horse was dead, and forced to abandon his hope of reaching his Illinois home, he stood by the roadside with a stony look in the eye and watched the departure of his companions for the country that seemed shut out to him forever. "Cheer up, old man," said Lucky Bill, in his happy, inspiring, whole-souled way, and snapping his fingers over his shoulder in the direction of the fast-disappearing horsemen, added, "I'll show you a trick worth eight of that." A few days later the white-haired emigrant set out again on his homeward journey, with a fine roan horse hitched to a two wheeled vehicle loaded with provisions for the trip that had been given to him by Lucky Bill. Numerous instances of generosity like these are remembered by the early settlers of Nevada of this strange frontiersman, many of whose impulses were such as ennoble men. [113]At the time Edwards came to visit him, Thorington "was large, weighing 200 pounds, with broad, ample shoulders." [114] He stood about six feet and one inch tall; "his head, covered with glossy curling hair colored like the raven's wing, was massive, with a high classic forehead, and large gray mirthful eyes, looking out from beneath projecting eyebrows, that indicated strong perceptive faculties."[115] "Lucky Bill"'s education "was a moderate one, due to the fact that his excessive animal spirits and vitality would not permit a close application to study when attending school in his boyhood."[116]Perhaps on Thorington's advice, the fugitive killer William C. Edwards spent a short period of time with "Lucky Bill" and then headed for the sparsely settled country around Honey Lake Valley. [117] Edwards called himself "Bill Coombs" in the Honey Lake area, and lived in a cabin also occupied by John Mullen and Asa Snow.[118]Edwards spent the winter working on a nearby placer mine. His associates Mullen and Snow were unsavory characters, and both men were apparently aware of Edwards' true identity. Mullen confided to Edwards that he had killed a Spaniard near Marysville in a robbery, and in Honey Lake Valley Mullen was said "to be handy at picking up other people's calves" to augment his small herd. [119]Mullen's partner or hired man, Asa Snow, was scarcely more reputable. His name seems to have been assumed, and he confessed that he had killed a man before coming to Honey Lake. [120]Edwards, Mullen and Snow had two neighbors who lived not far away, J.B. Gilpin and W.T.C. "Rough" Elliott. [121] The two neighbors would occasionally visit Mullen and Snow, and only three days into the New Year of 1858 "Rough" Elliott met "Coombs" [Edwards] at Mullen and Snow's cabin.[122] Elliott became friendly with "Coombs", and before long the fugitive told Elliott his real name.[123] Not long afterwards -- about the beginning of February, 1858 -- J.B. Gilpin accompanied Edwards to Carson Valley, where the two men traveled to pay a visit to "Lucky Bill".[124] After their brief stay with Thorington, Edwards and Gilpin returned to Honey Lake Valley.[125]After Gilpin and Edwards left, "Lucky Bill" received a letter from Merced County, California, warning him and other residents of Carson Valley to be on the look-out in case William Edwards the murderer appeared in the vicinity, and offering the $1,500 reward for Edwards' capture. [126] Word of the offered reward spread, and Carson Valley settlers Jack Howard and A.B. Cherry announced that they intended to look around for the California killer.[127]At about the same time, Thorington, James Menofee and Ab. Smith left Carson Valley for the Truckee Meadows, where they intended to search for Charles Stewart. [128] Stewart, supposed to have murdered his partner William H. Larkin on the east fork of the Carson River the preceding autumn, was rumored to have fled the area and taken up residence with the Indians.[129] Howard and Cherry joined this party, and the five men rode north from Genoa, about the first of March, 1858.[130]After the five men had crossed the Truckee River and camped, Thorington remarked that he would like to go up to Honey Lake Valley and see Henry Gordier's cattle. [131] Gordier, a Frenchman, had purchased about six hundred head of Carson Valley cattle from the LDS Church members who left Carson County for Salt Lake City in September, 1857.[132] Gordier had gotten the cattle at an excellent price, and put them to graze and fatten on his Baxter Creek ranch, in Honey Lake Valley.[133]Thorington and his men interviewed some Indians on the Truckee Meadows who told "Lucky Bill" that the two men they were after had gone north. [134] Thorington's party followed them and arrested a man named Beasley, after which "Lucky Bill" said to the others: "Boys, you take him back to Crawford's (ranch), and I will go up to Sol. Perrin's, hire a horse and go up on Susan river and get money to buy supplies to get back to Carson Valley."[135]Thorington called at Perrin's Station and talked with the proprietor about renting a horse to go up and see Gordier and his cattle. [136] After obtaining the animal, however, Thorington went to visit Edwards.[137] The fugitive killer was visiting at Gilpin's house, where a number of other residents of Honey Lake Valley were enjoying themselves.[138] After passing some time with them, "Lucky Bill" and Edwards went out into the yard to talk under the shade of a pine tree.[139]The two men conversed for a while, and then Edwards called out for Gilpin to join them. [140] Edwards showed Gilpin the letter Thorington had received from Merced County concerning Snelling's murder.[141] Thorington told Edwards and Gilpin that the settlers in Carson Valley were familiar with the killing, and since many people suspected Edwards was hiding out in the Honey Lake country, he should consequently be on his guard.[142]Thorington stayed at Gilpin's house just about an hour and a half. Gilpin tried to get "Lucky Bill" to stay there overnight, and see Gordier's cattle and ranch in the morning. [143] Gilpin's idea was that "Lucky Bill" and Edwards should go in together to purchase the Frenchman's holdings, to which the two agreed.[144] They told Gilpin that they intended to buy Gordier out just as soon as Edwards could look the place over.[145] When Thorington left Gilpin's cabin, Edwards went with him and did not return for about an hour.[146]According to a confession later extracted from Edwards, at this time Thorington proposed to him that they join with Mullen in a conspiracy to murder Gordier and steal his cattle. The three were to entice the Frenchman down to Carson Valley on the pretext that they wanted to buy out his ranch and stock. Then Mullen and Edwards were to kill Gordier and dispose of the body, while Thorington would conceal the murder by means of procured evidence. Afterwards Mullen and Edwards would sell the cattle to "Lucky Bill" at a fraction of their true value, which would be Thorington's share in the affair. [147]After leaving Gilpin's cabin, Thorington rode to Perrin's Station to pay for the hire of his horse. According to a witness who was there at the time, "Lucky Bill" said that when he took the animal he had no money, but that he had gone to see "Coombs" [Edwards] and now had plenty of cash. [148] Perrin asked "Lucky Bill" if he had bought out Gordier yet, to which Thorington replied that he had made arrangements with "Coombs" to take care of the purchase.[149]Thorington rejoined Menofee, Smith, Cherry and Howard at Crawford's ranch that night. [150] One of the men asked him "What luck?", and Thorington answered "Good.", that he had met with his friends at Honey Lake, who were ready to give him any amount of money he required. "Lucky Bill" told the men that one of his friends had offered him a roll of cash amounting to about $250, which Thorington refused, taking only $15 which he needed.[151]After Thorington returned to Carson Valley, Mullen and Edwards did a lot of talking in the community about purchasing the Frenchman's ranch and cattle, and went so far as to talk to Gordier about the possibility of a deal. Towards the middle of March Mullen and Edwards paid Gordier a visit. While the two men were talking to the Frenchman, they told him that they had spotted a sick cow of his down on the river -- would he like to see if anything could be done for the poor animal? Edwards and Mullen offered to show him the spot where they had seen the suffering beast, and the rancher followed them. While the three men were riding along, Mullen lagged behind some and then shot Gordier in the back of the head with a pistol. [152]Mullen and Edwards stripped the clothes from Gordier's body, threw them into a deserted Indian campoodie near the scene of the murder, and then set fire to the structure. The two tied a large rock to Gordier's corpse and sunk it in a deep hole in the Susan River, and rode away on the road to Carson Valley. [153]Immediately thereafter, Asa Snow moved into Gordier's cabin and told the local residents that he was acting as caretaker while the Frenchman, Mullen and "Coombs" had gone to Genoa to consummate the sale of the ranch and stock. The reason the three men had gone to Genoa, said Snow, was because "Lucky Bill" was to furnish the purchase money. [154]Some time later, Edwards and Mullen returned from Carson Valley, and told settlers in Honey Lake Valley that the two of them had bought Gordier's outfit. The Frenchman, just as soon as he had been paid, had the good fortune to run into an old shipmate of his from the mother country. According to Edwards and Mullen, Gordier joined his friend and returned to France to enjoy his new prosperity. [155]The murdered Frenchman had a brother in California. -- one who worried about not having heard from him in a long time. This brother wrote a friend in Honey Lake Valley and asked for news. When he heard that his brother had left for France after selling out his ranch, the younger Gordier wrote back that there must be some mistake, as his brother wouldn't leave the country without seeing him first. [156]This fact and other curious circumstances made a number of Honey Lake Valley residents suspicious about Gordier's disappearance. [157] While Edwards was attending a party in the area about the first of May, 1858, a man took him aside "and told him that people thought there was something mysterious in regard to their buying the Frenchman out, and if he and Mullen were going to live in the country, they had better show their neighbors that everything was all right."[158]Edwards reassured the man and left the party. He went to see Mullen and the two men decided to flee Honey Lake Valley without delay. Shortly after leaving the two men split up; Edwards headed for Carson Valley and Mullen left for Petaluma, California. [159] Mullen had been riding a well-known race horse, known as "Bald Hornet". Mullen felt that the horse was so well known that he didn't want to ride it, but Edwards felt differently and traded the horse from his partner.[160]When the residents of Honey Lake Valley found out that Edwards and Mullen had left so abruptly, many of them felt certain that Gordier had indeed been murdered. A volunteer force from the Valley had been out hunting some marauding Indians on the day of Gordier's death, and had, in fact, been camped nearby and heard the shot which killed the Frenchman; About seven or eight of the most suspicious Honey Lakers went down to the vicinity where they had heard the shot, and poked around. They discovered the burned campoodie, some metal buttons and dried blood nearby, and tracks which led to the river bank. After several attempts, the men fished up Gordier's body, using a raft and pole to recover it. [161]The citizens formed a coroner's jury, and held an inquest over the corpse. Their verdict was that Mullen and "Coombs" [Edwards] had killed Gordier, while Asa Snow and "Lucky Bill" Thorington acted as their accomplices. [162]A group of citizens -- actually a vigilance committee -- then called upon "Rough" Elliott and J.B. Gilpin and told the two that, considering how friendly they had been with Edwards, Mullen and Snow, things looked more than a little peculiar and that they must help to bring the guilty parties to justice. [163] A citizens' meeting held in the upper valley resulted in resolutions appointing Elliott, Gilpin and three other men as a committee to investigate Henry Gordier's murder and work up a case against the killers.[164]Not long afterwards members of this committee went out to talk to Asa Snow about the Frenchman's death. Snow got mad and tried to draw his pistol, but was disarmed, arrested and confined in a cabin. Eyewitnesses said that Snow "denied knowing anything about the murder of Gordier and was very impudent and abusive, cursing them and calling them every vile name he could think of." [165]A group of men from upper Honey Lake Valley went to the cabin where Snow was confined, and seized him. There are several different versions of what happened, but the result was that Snow was hanged, June seventh, 1858. [166]Contemporary newspaper accounts reported that Snow at first acknowledged that Gordier had been murdered, but denied having any complicity in the killing. After a trial by a self-constituted court of Honey Lakers, Snow is supposed to have turned State's evidence on the scaffold. He is said to have confessed that he belonged to a regularly organized band of robbers, and gave the names of several residents of Carson Valley who were concerned in Gordier's murder. Snow said that the members of the secret band of thieves communicated by signs, etc., so that persons from different areas who were associated with the gang could recognize a fellow-member. After confessing, Snow was hanged, before officers from Plumas County could take him into custody. [167]Another report, based upon the recollections of witnesses, has Snow, defiant and abusive, daring the crowd to hang him. The members of the mob grabbed Snow and dragged him outside to a tree, while the prisoner shouted that he was innocent. They intended to show him what a hanging was like and probably thought they could scare him into making a confession. They pulled him up and let him hang a while and then let him down and questioned him. He said he knew nothing to tell and cursed and defied them. They pulled him up again, let him down and questioned him, and the result was the same. He was pulled up the third time and this time they let him hang too long -- when they let him down he was dead. He was defiant to the last and died, so William Bankhead says, cursing them and telling them to bring on their strings. It is said that they dug a hole under the tree and buried him in it without even wrapping him up in a blanket, and his grave was never marked in any way. In spite of all that was said by any one else, the settlers who lived here at that time always believed that Snow knew all about the murder of Gordier. [168]In the meantime, William C. Edwards went to Carson Valley. The news of Gordier's peculiar disappearance preceded Edwards, and he was almost immediately suspected by the residents of Carson Valley as having been involved in the Frenchman's death. [169] As a result of this suspicion and the large reward offered for his capture in the Snelling murder case, Edwards could not move freely in the area, and had to make a secret camp in a slough of the Carson River near Thorington's ranch.[170]J.B. Gilpin, sent by the Honey Lake vigilance committee to investigate, arrived in Carson Valley not long after Edwards. Gilpin's first task was to win the confidence of the cautious "Lucky Bill". Gilpin's story was that he had stolen a horse in Honey Lake, and the vigilance committee there was after him and he needed Thorington's help. "Lucky Bill" would not shelter Gilpin, but told the Honey Lake man that for fifty dollars he would return the horse to its owner and settle the difficulty Gilpin claimed he was having with the vigilantes. [171] Thorington refused to admit that Edwards was anywhere in the area, and in fact told Gilpin that the California killer had fled over the mountains.[172] However, in a conversation with Thorington's hired man, familiarly called "the Fighting Butcher", Gilpin learned some interesting details.[173]It seemed that "the Fighting Butcher" had visited the Carson Valley flouring mill, and while there he learned that a man had been seen lurking up in a canyon behind Luther "Lute" Olds' ranch. "The Fighting Butcher", on his return, told "Lucky Bill" about it, and noted that Thorington's face changed its expression. Shortly thereafter Thorington mounted his horse and rode away, returning only about dawn of the next day. [174]Thorington rode to meet Edwards in Luther Olds' yard. [175] Edwards had gotten there at night, and when he identified himself to Olds, "Lute" put him up and gave the fugitive some provisions.[176] For safety Edwards then took up camp in the slough between Thorington's ranch and that of Rich. Sides.[177] While Edwards was encamped there, Thorington brought him food and supplies, and on several occasions spent the evening in Edwards' camp, saying that it was likely that the two men would become partners.[178]Luther Olds also supplied Edwards with provisions and comforts sufficient for several days' camping, although Edwards came to Carson Valley well-supplied. [179]Luther "Lute" Olds was principally occupied in ranching at Carson Valley and in packing goods between Placerville and the diggings at Gold Cañon. [180] He came to Carson Valley from California, and took up his ranch in September, 1853.[181] Olds' reputation, according to "Lucky Bill"'s son, Jerome Thorington, was not that of an honest man: "I never knew of his stealing anything, but he kept men around his house who have."[182] Olds was involved in an 1855 incident which is, perhaps, illustrative of his character. On the twenty-eighth of July thieves stole ten horses from Plumer's ranch, on the road between Sacramento and Jackson, California.[183] An informal posse set out in pursuit of the robbers, and followed their trail over the mountains towards Carson Valley.[184] A young man whom the posse met on the way told the group that he had seen the stolen animals at Olds' ranch.[185] When the pursuing Californians got there, they found that the thieves had departed for the east fork of the Carson River.[186] A story published in the Sacramento Union on August fourteenth, 1855 described what the posse found at Olds' ranch when they arrived:Olds had furnished them (the robbers) with provisions, &c., and harbored them while there. All the inhabitants turned out to assist in arresting the thieves -- with the exception of Olds. Our informant states that there are a number of horses at Olds' ranch, that were taken there by the same party. [187]One of "Lute" Olds' ranch hands, Cal Austin, had been run off the east fork of the Carson River for stealing horses, a fact well-known to Olds and to everyone else in Carson Valley. [188] Austin wanted to travel with Edwards when the fugitive left Carson Valley, according to Jerome Thorington, and hoped that Edwards would go to Salt Lake City to find shelter.[189]The day after Edwards' arrival in Carson Valley, "Lucky Bill" sent his son Jerome over the mountains into California. Jerome Thorington left to warn Edwards' partner in crime, Mullen, that the Honey Lake vigilance committee knew that Gordier had been murdered and would be looking to catch his killers. Armed with a letter of introduction from "Lucky Bill", young Jerome Thorington went to Marysville to try and find Mullen, but was told that the fugitive killer was in Petaluma. [190]Young Thorington then went down on the Merced River to try and collect some debts for Edwards. He was able to get three hundred fifty dollars and a horse, but could not collect another six hundred dollars due Edwards from his Merced County friends. [191] After taking delivery on the horse and the cash, Jerome Thorington returned to Carson Valley.[192]W.T.C. "Rough" Elliott arrived at Genoa some time around the middle of May, 1858, intending to catch Edwards and his accomplices for the Honey Lake vigilance committee. [193] When "Rough" Elliott showed up in town, "Lucky Bill" made himself scarce. In Elliott's words, a number of the local residents "appeared to be afraid of me; . . . they all appeared to think I had come down to arrest Thorington."[194]Three days after "Rough" Elliott came to town, he met with John H. McBride; a Genoa gambler. [195] McBride said that Thorington believed "Rough" had come to Carson Valley to arrest him, so consequently "Lucky Bill" was staying out of Elliott's way.[196] Elliott tried to reassure McBride, but the Genoa gambler went on to say that "Lucky Bill" was "willing to give himself up to any civil authority, as he did not believe that they could prove enough against him to convict him of anything criminal in any Court of Justice.[197] Since there was no civil authority in Western Utah, Thorington authorized McBride to state that he "was willing to be tried by the citizens of Carson Valley, but would not go to Honey Lake Valley."[198]"Rough" finally convinced McBride that his intentions towards Thorington "were of the most friendly nature", and through McBride, "Lucky Bill" agreed to meet with Elliott. [199]On the evening set for the meeting, McBride took Elliott to "Lucky Bill"'s house in Genoa, where they found Thorington, his wife Maria, and three other men whom "Lucky Bill" had asked to be present as witnesses. [200]"Rough" said that he had come to give something to Thorington, and showed "Lucky Bill" a letter written by Elliott's fellow investigator for the Honey Lake vigilance committee, J.B. Gilpin. Gilpin wrote that Elliott and Edwards were great friends, and mentioned Gordier and his cattle. [201]"Lucky Bill" was friendly to Elliott, but told him that he didn't believe the Honey Lake stories that Edwards had killed Gordier. [202] After "Rough" expressed solicitude for Edwards; saying that the killer had once saved his life, "Lucky Bill" admitted that Edwards had been in Carson Valley.[203] The fugitive, said Thorington, had left a large sum of money in "Lucky Bill"'s care.[204]Although Thorington was still cautious about Elliott; the two men left the house for a private conversation. [205] The two men went to a slough of the Carson River near the corner of Mott's ranch, where they met Edwards.[206] The three then discussed the best way for Edwards to get out of Carson Valley.[207]In need of money, Edwards wanted to try and sell his race horse "Bald Hornet" but dared not attempt this himself. Edwards, Thorington and Elliott then had a lengthy discussion on how they could sell "Bald Hornet" without having to answer a lot of questions; a discussion described by Elliott: Our plan for getting the horse without causing suspicion; was for Gilpin and myself to take some third man with us, and apparently go into the mountains near Lake Valley, where Edwards was to be, and, selecting the third man, although suggesting many myself, I intended in the end that the third man, whoever he should be, should be the choice of Thorington and Edwards; Thorington first selected Jerome, his son, but upon reflection it was not considered desirable for Jerome to go along, as it might lead to suspicion on all of us, and the sincerity of our intentions be questioned; Thorington then suggested that [D.H.] Barber be this third person, as it was well known that he was an enemy of his, and this would give a good color to the transaction, and free him, Thorington, from all suspicion in the transaction; we were to go out to a small creek running into Lake Valley, supposed to be eight or nine miles from Genoa; we were there to find a sign left by Edwards; where he had turned immediately off the road before crossing the creek, and had taken such ground up the creek that we could easily trace him, and get into some place where he could tie his horse in, or close to the willows on the creek, and he have a position on the hill above; we were to pursue him; Gilpin and I were to fire at him, or lead Barber to think we had fired at him, and he was to be in a place where it was impossible for Barber to take him; in case Barber was to press upon him too closely, Edwards was to shoot him, and if he failed to shoot him, Gilpin and I were to see that Barber did not hurt him; when talking over this arrangement Thorington suggested that if any man was to be killed in taking the horse, that among several men in the Valley here, say three, he would rather it be Maj. Ormsby or Rich. Sides, no matter which; he then suggested that Maj. Ormsby go along anyway; that he would give money to have him killed, anyhow; Edwards then said, send him out if he wanted him killed, and he would kill him, sure; I then suggested that it would not do to create any more difficulty at present; Thorington appeared to concur with me; we finally concluded that Barber should be the man to go along, and that no killing should be done unless in case of emergency; for instance, if Barber should get too close to Edwards. [208]On the twelfth of June, 1858, Gilpin and "Rough" Elliott went out to look for Edwards and his race horse. They rode to the designated creek and found the signs which Edwards had left. The two men rode up the creek a way and saw "Bald Hornet" tethered near some willow trees. As Gilpin and Elliott approached the horse, Edwards fired a shot from some two hundred yards away. When he saw that there was no one else with Gilpin and Elliott, Edwards walked down the hill. Gilpin and Elliott had made up their minds to take this opportunity to capture Edwards or kill him, when Jerome Thorington appeared and called out to them. Foiled in their attempt to take Edwards unbeknownst to "Lucky Bill", the two Honey Lake men joined Edwards and young Thorington for dinner and a long conversation. [209]They decided that at certain specified times Edwards would come down from the mountain above Genoa to got information and supplies, which would be delivered by either "Lucky Bill" or Jerome Thorington. Elliott and Gilpin told Edwards that they intended to return to Honey Lake Valley, and before they left were to meet with Edwards on the fourteenth of June. In the meantime, for the sake of appearances, when Elliott and Gilpin rode into Genoa with the "captured" "Bald Hornet", they were to search out prominent citizens of Carson Valley and tell them that Thorington had offered a $250 reward for Edwards' capture. Gilpin and Elliott were supposed to leave the general impression that "Lucky Bill" had done as much or more than any other person to see that the killer was brought to justice. [210]To add credibility to their story of having chased but lost Edwards, the two Honey Lake men raced their horses to exhaustion. Jerome Thorington left the group to ride home, while Gilpin, "Rough" Elliott and Edwards rode along for awhile. Gilpin rode ahead to scout out the road -- if he saw anyone he was to fire his pistol in the air, so Edwards could make his escape. After riding alone for some time, Gilpin began to worry that Edwards might cause something to happen to "Rough", so he fired off a signal shot and Edwards and Elliott parted. [211] When Gilpin and Elliott rode into town, they reported that they had pursued Edwards, exchanged shots with him, and captured his horse "Bald Hornet."[212]All this time, "Rough" Elliott and J.B. Gilpin were keeping Maj. William M. Ormsby informed of developments in the case. [213] Through Ormsby, apparently, Elliott sent word to the Honey Lake vigilance committee to raise a crowd and come down to Carson Valley.[214] Within twenty-four hours of receiving Elliott's message, thirty or more men responded to the call.[215] They left Honey Lake Valley on the eleventh or twelfth of June, 1858, and made the trip to Carson Valley in two or three days.[216]On their way to Carson Valley, the Honey Lake vigilantes encountered "some kind of foreigner" who was traveling on foot, and a brother of Theodore Winters. [217] The Honey Lakers detained both men, for fear they would warn Thorington and his friends of trouble.[218] Later in the day Theodore Winters came up to where the men were camped, and told them that "Rough" Elliott had sent him to coordinate operations.[219] The group, reinforced by men from Washoe Valley, reached Genoa just before dawn on June fourteenth, 1858.[220] Major Ormsby and his wife had waited up all night, and there were a number of Carson Valley men on hand, ready to assist the Honey Lake and. Washoe Valley vigilantes.[221] "Rough" Elliott divided the men up into groups and proceeded to make the arrests.[222]The largest party of men surrounded Thorington's house in Genoa and called him out. According to an eyewitness, when "Lucky Bill" saw Elliott in the crowd he said: "My life is not worth a bit." [223] Thorington and his son gave themselves up peaceably.[224] Mrs. Maria Thorington pleaded with the men to spare her son, but said nothing about "Lucky Bill."[225]Four men went into D. E. Gilbert's saloon and arrested John McBride and Orrin Gray, gamblers, and told the two to get dressed. [226] The vigilantes placed guards at the roads leading out of Genoa, to keep anyone from warning "Lucky Bill"'s friends, and detained one young man who was intent upon leaving town.[227]The captives were tied up and guarded in a large room on the second floor of the local hotel while their captors enjoyed breakfast. Some residents of Genoa told the Honey Lake men that "now was the first time they could breathe freely for a long time, that the lawless element had them terrorized, and that they didn't dare say anything for fear they might be talking to some of the gang." [228]Twelve year old D. R. Hawkins and his father saw "Lucky Bill" tied up and lying on the floor in the far corner of an upstairs room in the hotel, and the senior Hawkins asked: "Well Bill, what is this all about?" Thorington replied: "Mr. Hawkins, these men have come here to hang me and I guess they are going to do it." [229]While guarding "Lucky Bill" and the others, one of the Honey Lake men had the misfortune to shoot himself in the hand. [230]After breakfast, "Rough" Elliott led a group of men south to Luther Olds' ranch, where they arrested "Lute" and his two hired hands, Cal Austin and Ike Gandy. [231] Gandy showed some fight and seemed prepared to resist until Elliott got the drop on him.[232]The vigilantes brought Olds, Gandy and Austin into Genoa and collected the other four prisoners, transporting then all to the Clear Creek ranch owned by Rich. D. Sides, L.B. Abernathy and J.M. Baldwin. [233] There was a hotel at Clear Creek, and in addition to the convenient accommodations there was some nervousness that if Thorington and the others were kept at Genoa, "Uncle Billy" Rogers or someone else might try to rescue them.[234]After arriving at Clear Creek, Elliott, Gilpin and the others made plans to capture William Edwards, who was still at large. [235] Asa M. Fairfield, who interviewed a number of participants, gives the following account of Edwards' arrest:They told Jerome Thorrington [sic] that if he would help them get Edwards, they would let him go free and do the best they could for his father. It has been told [236] that they promised to let Lucky Bill go, too, but the Honey Lake men say they made no such promise. It is said that Jerome didn't want to betray Edwards; but his father told him that Edwards' testimony would clear him, and finally the boy agreed to do what they wanted him to. They told him to take a basket of provisions and go to the place where Edwards was camped and tell him that a party of men had come from Honey Lake after him; and that his father wanted him to come that night to Thorrington's ranch on the river and they would leave the country at once and stay until the trouble blew over. Just before dark the boy started for the hills to find Edwards. About the same tine twelve men started for Lucky Bill's river ranch which was six or seven miles above Genoa. Elliott, Dow, Gilpin, _____ Henderson, Theodore Winters, Marion Little, who was Sides' brother-in-law, and perhaps Tom Watson were in the party. Between the Clear Creek ranch and the one where they were going there was a big bend in the river, but they went straight across the country and saved both time and travel. As soon as they reached their destination they stationed Henderson out by the river and Dow in a log corral on the other side of the house. The house had two rooms, the front one being used as a living room and the back one as a bedroom. Martha Lamb was living there with her baby. Elliott and Winters stood on each side of the door with clubs in their hands. Afterwards, while on their way home [to Honey Lake], Edwards told Hines that he started for the ranch without any suspicion, but the nearer he got to it the more he thought that everything was not all right. Just before he reached the house he put his revolver into the front of his shirt where it would be handy, cocked both barrels of his shotgun; and carried it so it would be ready for instant use. He and the boy got to the ranch about midnight. Jerome knocked at the door and the man stationed in the back room asked who was there. Edwards answered that it was a friend, and the man came to the door and opened it up and stepped to one side. The boy came in and was followed by Edwards, who was immediately knocked dawn; and the same blow, or one from the other club, broke both barrels of the shotgun from the stock. He was seized at once, his arms and legs were tied, and the wound on his head was bound up. Dow says the first words Edwards spoke were "I deserve it." After daylight Elliott and Gilpin, who were guarding him, were sitting on a bench counting the money taken from him -- quite a large sum. While they were doing this the prisoner drew up his legs so he, could reach the rope with which they were bound and managed to untie it. He then jumped off the bed where he had been lying; rushed out through the other room; and ran for a slough not far from the house. The other men were standing in front of the outside door and when he ran past them they set up a yell and some of them fired at him, but didn't hit him. Elliott ran after him, and being a good foot-racer, gained on him rapidly. When Edwards reached the slough he jumped into it and Elliott, who was then close to him, jumped in on top of him. Both men were pulled out of the water and in a short time they started with their prisoner for Genoa where they had a blacksmith iron him. Joseph Frey says that the blacksmith's name was G.W. Hepperley, and that the irons, one of them made from the handle of an old frying-pan, were riveted on and a chain put between them. After this was done they went on to the Clear Creek ranch.[237]Upon his capture Edwards said that his only wish was to live long enough to kill five men: Maj. William Ormsby, Richard Sides, _____ Buckner and John Cary, who had taken an active part in breaking up and arresting the band. [238]A crowd of about one hundred and fifty citizens gathered at Clear Creek ranch where a "people's court" convened to try "Lucky Bill" Thorington, Olds, Austin, Gandy, McBride and Gray. [239] This court was constituted to hear the charges against the six defendants "in the absence of a higher law, as the crimes were committed in Utah."[240]The trial began June fifteenth, 1858, in the barn at Clear Creek ranch. The convention of citizens appointed John L. Cary the principal judge, and Dr. B.L. King and John H. Neale were chosen associate judges. W.T.C. "Rough" Elliott was sheriff of the proceedings, and J.B. Gilpin was his deputy. [241] There were eighteen jurors impanelled in the case.[242] Chauncey N. Noteware served as court reporter.[243]The heavily armed court tried Gandy, McBride, Gray, Austin and Olds first. [244] Even before all the evidence was in, there was considerable discussion about the probable outcome of the trial. John Child thought that "Lucky Bill", William Edwards and "Lute" Olds would almost certainly be hanged, and the rest banished, with the exception of Jerome Thorington, who; owing to his youth and being under the influence of his father, was believed to have been forced into participation in the crimes.[245]Orrin Gray was acquitted in the secret proceedings of having been an accessory to Henry Gordier's death, and the "people's court" released him from custody by the morning of June seventeenth. [246] John McBride was discharged at the same time. There is no record of any verdict in the case of Ike Gandy, though he too appears to have been acquitted.[247]The court convicted Luther Olds of having harbored horse thieves. He was fined $875 and banished forever from Carson Valley. The judgment of the court was that if Olds attempted to return to Carson Valley, he would be shot. [248] Seventeen members of the jury voted for Olds' death, and he was spared on the basis of only one vote.[249]The court fined Cal Austin $220 and banished him under the same conditions which applied to Luther Olds. [250] Since Austin did not have the cash to pay his fine, the court held Olds accountable.[251] Not all the money was immediately forthcoming, but what funds could be taken from Olds went to pay the cost of boarding the members of the court at the Clear Creek ranch.[252]"Lucky Bill"'s trial began on the seventeenth of June, 1858. [253] He was accused of having helped plan the murder of Henry Gordier, and of having sheltered William Edwards with the intention of helping him to escape justice.[254] On the morning of June nineteenth the jury returned a unanimous verdict of guilty, and Thorington was sentenced to be hanged that afternoon.[255]After the "people's court" passed sentence on "Lucky Bill", Maria Thorington and Martha Lamb came to see him. According to witnesses, Martha Lamb was more visibly grieved than Mrs. Thorington over "Lucky Bill"'s fate. [256] Thorington, while awaiting his execution, told his son to stay away from whiskey and gambling; he is reported to have said "This is what has brought me to this."[257]"Lucky Bill" told his son to take good care of Mrs. Thorington, who had a history of periods of mental disorder. [258]Just before Thorington was taken away to be hanged, "Rough" Elliott extended his hand for Jerome Thorington to take in a farewell gesture. R.W. Young of Honey Lake Valley, who was standing nearby, saw the reaction of "Lucky Bill"'s son: "The boy threw his hand and said that he would never shake hands with any man who helped murder his father." [259]The members of the citizens' convention and the "people's court" built a gallows about a mile from the Clear Creek ranch, from which "Lucky Bill" was to be hanged. The condemned man apparently felt somewhat musical on his way to the gibbet, for he sang a rendition of "the Last Rose of Summer." [260] The hanging was scheduled for three o'clock in the afternoon.[261] John C. Davis of Honey Lake, a former sailor, tied the hangman's knot, and "Lucky Bill" placed the noose around his own neck.[262] The condemned man stood in the back of a wagon driven by youthful Lawrence Frey. Asked if he had any last words or a confession to make, Thorington said: "If they want to hang me; hang, I am no hog."[263] When Frey, sobbing, was reluctant to mover his team forward, "Lucky Bill" said "Drive out, boy", and swung himself off the rear of the wagon.[264]The next morning the Honey Lake vigilantes left for home, taking William Edwards and "Bald Hornet" with them. Edwards was not bound, and apparently talked freely with his guards on the trip towards Honey Lake Valley. [265]On the third day of the return trip the Honey Lakers stopped at L.M. Breed's ranch. The men decided to hang Edwards right there, without any further delay, as most of the vigilantes had been out on expeditions against Indians and bandits for nearly all of the spring and part of the summer, and were impatient to get home. [266]Edwards asked for a few minutes to write letters to his relatives back in the States, but at first the men ignored his request and went right ahead with the preparations to hang him. At this some of the vigilantes left the party. Finally Edwards was allowed to write the letters, and he also entrusted several rings to his captors, with instructions to send them to his folks, "but it is said that they were worn out by the men to whom they wore entrusted." [267]On the afternoon of June twenty-third, 1858, Edwards stood under a makeshift gallows near Breed's cabin. With the rope around his neck, Edwards made a little speech or deposition, which was written down in substance as follows: Edwards, being sworn, deposes that Thorington first proposed to me to murder Gordier when he was at Honey Lake; his proposition was to entice Gordier to Carson Valley, and then murder him; then Thorington was to buy the stock much below its present value, as his share of the robbery; myself and John Mullen were the only persons actually engaged in committing the murder; Thorington said he could very easily have concealed the murder by the evidence he would be able to procure; when I first went to Carson Valley, after the murder, I told Thorington that we had committed it; there was no other person but myself and Mullen went to Carson Valley; the story about the man going with us was mere fabrication; Snow knew about the murder; I never told him, but Mullen told me he could make Snow do anything; I understood, either from himself or Mullen, that he had formerly shot a man; Mullen owned to me that he had killed a Spaniard for his money, near Marysville; I am the man who killed Snelling in Merced County, but did it in self-defense; this murder of Gordier was the only crime I am guilty of. [268]Part Three: Aftermath The matter did not end with the hanging Of Thorington and Edwards. Although the jury's verdict against Olds was that he leave Carson Valley within forty-eight hours, the three judges of the people's court modified the sentence to give Olds about three weeks to arrange his affairs and leave. [269] G.N. Douglass of Placerville apparently acted as bondsman for "Lute", and thus secured his freedom during the three week period.[270] Instead of getting ready to, go, Olds and his friends began to circulate a petition in Carson Valley asking that he be absolved from all guilt in the Gordier case and be allowed to stay in the area.[271] Despite warnings, when the three weeks elapsed, Olds refused to leave.[272] Shortly thereafter, Olds departed for other regions.[273] Trouble continued over the payment of Olds' and Austins' fines, as reported by a correspondent of the Placerville Register:There is some difficulty anticipated here between the two parties who favor and oppose the late Vigilance Committee, concerning the payment of Olds' fine. The fine, for which Mr. Van Sickles [sic] was Olds' surety, was not paid at the appointed time, and although Van Sickles has since tendered the money, the Executive Committee refused to accept it without an additional $150, which they claim for expenses incurred. The Committee have seized thirty-nine head of Mr. Olds' cattle, which were in Van Sickles' possession as security for the fine money, and have advertised them for sale on the 24th inst. Van Sickles has requested the anti-Vigilantes to assist him in gaining possession of the cattle to-morrow [22 Jul 1858]. So it is likely the strongest party will take them. [274]Despite threats of violence, this dispute between the "Vigilante" and "Anti-Vigilante" factions was successfully arbitrated to a peaceful conclusion; as the Carson Valley correspondent of the Placerville Register described: I told you in my last letter that we expected to have some sport the next day, in the way of proving the right of property, at the mouth of double barrelled shot guns. The respective parties met within three miles of each other, the anti-Vigilantes numbering 47 and the Vigilantes 30. Early in the morning the Vigilantes sent a courier to the anti-Vigilantes to tell them that the Executive Committee was then in session; and that they would send another courier in the course of two hours, with proposals to settle all difficulties. The courier came and said that the Committee had concluded to accept the money and give up the cattle, which was satisfactory. The Vigilance Committee met again last Saturday [24 Jul 1858], and made laws and elected officers. Their officers consist of two Judges, a Clerk, and a Sheriff. Among the laws they passed is, that if any person is guilty of stealing any property to the value of $25, they are to be hung by the neck until dead, dead; and that upon conviction of stealing a smaller amount, they are to be fined from $50 to $1,000, and banished from the Valley. While this was going on, the anti-vigilantes signed a petition to Governor Cumming (of Utah), and sent it on, requesting him to extend his jurisdiction over, and re-organize the county of Carson. [275]In a letter to the editor of the Placerville Mountain Democrat, dated August eleventh, 1858, Martin Smith of Lake Valley mentioned some popular proceedings which may have taken place at the same time as the resolutions passed to punish crime: Gents: A few weeks ago the citizens of Carson and adjoining valleys held a meeting, at which resolutions wore passed prohibiting all persons from driving stock into the said valleys for the purpose of grazing, (unless they be actual residents of the valley in which they propose to herd their stock.) Now, for fear that persons living in California may think that Lake Valley is included in these resolutions, or that the residents of this Valley do not like to see stock driven in here to herd, I will say to those wishing to drive their stock to the mountains, there is an abundance of grass in this Valley to fatten ten thousand head of cattle, and there are not over fifty head in the whole Valley." [276]The people's court apparently adjudicated another case at about the same time, also involving a dispute over property. John Mankin, a turbulent frontiersman, rented some property to a man named Obar. The matter at issue and its conclusion were described in a recollection published in the Carson Daily Index on March twentieth, 1881: There was a dispute about the area under cultivation, and, as usual, in those days, the matter was left to referees; in this case Theodore Winters and Dr. King being chosen to view the ground and report. An impromptu court was held at Obar's house just northeast of Nevers' present residence, at which John Cary (since dead), an elder brother of our present Police Magistrate, W. M. Cary, presided. Ex-County Commissioner S.A. Nevers, who resides here, was clerk of the Court. During the consideration of the case, Mankin stood one side [sic] of the open doorway and Dr. King the other side. Mankin was balancing himself on one foot and looked as though he might at any moment kick King under the chin, which he was physically capable of doing with ease, while a man nicknamed "Pike" [John Jessup], who lived with King, reclined upon an old table with his hand upon a revolver. Behind the last-named individual stood a son of Mankin with a knife up his sleeve. All this was plainly seen by the clerk. But no violence was attempted. Obar won the suit. [277]
[1] Sacramento Union 17 Aug 1857:3. [2] Sacramento Union 6 Oct 1857:1&4; 10 Oct 1857:3; 17 Oct 1857:3. [3] Ibid. [4] Ibid. [5] Ibid. [6] Sacramento Union 1 Jul 1857:4. [7] Sacramento Union 29 Aug 1857:1; 7 Sept 1857:3; 8 Sept 1857:3. [8] Sacramento Union 29 Aug 1857:1. [9] Sacramento Union 8 Sept 1857:3. [10] San Joaquin Republican, reprinted in Sacramento Union 29 Aug 1857:1. [11] Sacramento Union 26 Aug 1857:2. [12] Placerville Mountain Democrat 5 Sept 1857:2, reprinted in Sacramento Union 7 Sept 1857:2. [13] Sacramento Union 8 Sept 1857:3. [14] Placerville Mountain Democrat 23 May 1857:2; Sacramento Union 25 May 1857:2. [15] Ibid. [16] Ibid. [17] Sacramento Union 14 Sept 1857:2; 28 Sept 1857:3; San Francisco Herald 29 Sept 1857:2. [18] San Francisco Herald 29 Sept 1857:2. [19] San Francisco Herald 7 Oct 1857:2. [20] Sacramento Union 7 Sept 1857:3; 14 Sept 1857:2. [21] Ibid. [22] Ibid. [23] Ibid. [24] Ibid. [25] Ibid. [26] Ibid. [27] Sacramento Union 10 Sept 1857:2; 14 Sept 1857:2. [28] Ibid. [29] Ibid.; Sacramento Union 28 Sept 1857:3. [30] San Francisco Herald 7 Oct 1857:2, reprinting an article in the (California) State Journal. [31] Ibid.; see also Sacramento Union 28 Sept 1857:3. According to the Carson Valley correspondent of the San Francisco Herald, "Tennessee" [Richard N. Allen], Rogers shot two of the Indians (San Francisco Herald 14 Oct 1857:2).
[32] Ibid. An article published in the Sacramento Union 17 Oct 1857:2 contains the following account of the aftermath of the shooting: Since Col. Rogers left the Valley, a message has been received from the Indian whom he shot a few weeks since, while in the act of robbing his house [sic], and who escaped badly wounded, to the effect that he wishes to be on friendly terms with the Colonel. But the friendly proposition of this Indian, who is a blood relation of the Chief of the Washoes, deserves to be received with some degree of allowance, especially as it is accompanied with the modest request for the gift of a horse, a blanket, and a pair of pants, together with $2.50 in money, which he lost in his flight from the Colonel's bullet! [33] Sacramento Union 28 Sept 1857:3. In a letter written September thirtieth, 1857 to the San Francisco Herald, "Tennessee" states "About three hundred Washoes are encamped within a few miles of this place (Genoa), and they have declared their intention to kill all the whites in the Valley." (San Francisco Herald 9 Oct 1857:2.) [34] Sacramento Union 28 Sept 1857:2; 5 Oct 1857:3; 17 Oct 1857:2. [35] Sacramento Union 5 Oct 1857:3; 8 Oct 1857:2; San Francisco Herald 6 Oct 1857:2; 7 Oct 1857:2; 9 Oct 1857:2; 14 Oct 1857:2. [36] Ibid. This murder does not appear to have been satisfactorily solved. One theory was that Stewart, whose first name is variously given as Charles and James, murdered Larkin and left the country. Another theory was that both Larkin and Stewart were killed by local desperadoes and stock thieves, because the two men knew too much. (Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:2; 25 Jun 1858:3; Angel, History of Nevada, p. 343.) [37] A Special Order of the Utah Territorial Adjutant General's Office, dated 9 Oct 1855, organized the Carson County Military District and empowered Col. John Reese to hold elections and, recruit a battalion of infantry and a company of cavalry (Utah State Archives and Records Service); there is no indication that such a force was ever raised. In a letter to the San Francisco Herald; dated 30 Sept 1857 and published 9 Oct 1857:2, "Tennessee" remarks "There are only thirty or forty families in this Valley, all of them nearly without arms or ammunition; and it is to be hoped that Gov. Johnson [J. Neely Johnson of California] will promptly furnish the necessary aid." [38] San Francisco Herald 9 Oct 1857:2; 3 Dec 1857:2. [39] Sacramento Union 5 Oct 1857:2&3; 8 Oct 1857:2; 17 Oct 1857:2; San Francisco Herald 9 Oct 1857:2; 3 Dec 1857:2. The document reproduced below is held by the California State Archives in Sacramento as Number F3753:961 of the petitions to the Governor. The letter is of considerable interest to students of early Nevada history on account of the subject matter and number of signatures: Genoa, Carson Valley Thursday, Oct. 1st, 1857 To His Excellency J. Neely Johnson Governor of Cala. Dear Sir We the undersigned citizens of Carson Valley being placed in a remote situation and destitute from any legal authority and destitute of protection except from the voluntary action of our citizens; and as there is another startling tragedy of bloodshed and murder of the most brutal character and as it is within the boundary limits of California that Four of her citizens have fell victims [sic] by the Savages that roam in the valleys and Springs of the Sierra Nevada; and as most of our citizens have left the valley and being without arms and ammunition we ask that you would extend to us some assistance as soon as possible. For these and other cogent reasons we would pray your Excellency to immediately send an armed posse to assist in forcing the Indians into a peaceable negotiation. W.M. Ormsby W.W. Smith William Rogers John S. Childs A.G. Hammack James M. Herring D.E. Gilbert B.C. Herrs C.C. Bartlett John C. Swearingen Joseph L. Preston Warren Smith John Reese John H. Smart Richard N. Allen Stephen A. Kinsey M. Rees V.H. Stevenson P.A. Valely W. ___ Williams Lawrence Frey I.S. Wood Joseph Frey J.C. Wood Marten Murphey Louis Bannen T.J. Singleton E.H. Knott James McMarlin Thomas Lufkin H.B. Clemons Wm. J. Thorirgton John T. Williams C.D. Daggett Patterson Frame John K. Trumbo T.J. Hall F.C. Smith Dr. King E. Quick ____________ __________ Byron Remzer H. Vansickle Luther Olds Ad Aldrich George Hunt John Olds Robert Masters Martin Smith Rodney Aldrich Presley Muir John Stevens Robert C. Harlow James Gibbs Richard Yarnold Anthony Derick James M. Stevenson James Gandy Charles Bosworth Calvin Austin David Jones Benjamin Parmer Frank Gilbert [40] San Francisco Herald 3 Dec 1857:2. An article published in the Sacramento Union 17 Oct 1857:2 notes that Col. Rogers arrived in Sacramento on October sixteenth, on his way to Carson Valley from Sacramento. He had with him twenty five men -- fifteen from San Francisco, five from Sacramento, and another five from Placerville. Col. Rogers was carrying an executive proclamation from California Governor J. Neely Johnson, offering a reward of $250 for the arrest and conviction of each of the murderers of McMarlin and Williams. The article notes that Col. Rogers intended to defray the costs of the expedition himself, and "except when on service for the protection of the American residents in Carson Valley and vicinity, the men who go out with Col. Rogers will be employed in mining operations, chiefly in Hope Valley, where his copper mines are situated." Rogers left Sacramento for Genoa early on October seventeenth. See also Democratic State Journal article, reprinted in San Francisco Herald 18 Oct 1857:2. [41] Sacramento Union 5 Oct 1857:2; San Francisco Herald 21 Oct 1857:2. [42] Ibid. [43] Placerville Argus 1 Nov 1857, reprinted in Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:2. According to information given to the editors of the Argus by Chauncey Noteware, "Tom" or "Tom Posooke" was the son of Chief Posooke, and the head of a band of renegade Washoes which were not countenanced by Old Posooke, who wished to remain on friendly terms with the white settlers. Cooperation on "Captain Jim"'s part appears to have been in compliance with an agreement between the whites and Washoes designed to keep the armed clashes from spreading. The editors of the Placerville Argus published the following on October twenty-seventh: "Messrs. Gilman and Singleton arrived on Monday evening, from the Valley, and report that the Captain of the Washo tribe had come in for the purpose of negotiating a treaty of peace, expressing himself as being opposed to hostilities. He agreed to shoot any member of his tribe who molested a white man, and asked that justice be meted out to offenders among the whites. Mr. Mott, an old and highly respected citizen, entered into the compact on the part of the settlers, and law and order now reign in Carson." (reprinted in Sacramento Union 28 Oct 1857:2.) See also San Francisco Herald 17 Oct 1857:2. The treaty was negotiated during the absence of Col. Rogers. [44] Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:2, reprinting report of Placerville Argus 1 Nov 1857. [45] Ibid. [46] Ibid. [47] Ibid. [48] Ibid. [49] Ibid. [50] Ibid. "Tennessee," the Carson Valley correspondent of the San Francisco Herald, termed this proceeding "an examination before Uncle Billy Rodgers." (San Francisco Herald 15 Nov 1857:2.) [51] Placerville Argus 1 Nov 1857, reprinted in Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:2. [52] Ibid. "Tennessee" states that "Charley" "acknowledged the crime." (San Francisco Herald 15 Nov 1857:2.) [53] Placerville Argus 1 Nov 1857, reprinted in Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:2. Sarah Winnemucca, daughter of Paiute Chief Winnemucca (Poito) gave a very different account of this incident in her book Life Among the Piutes: Their Wrongs and Claims (edited by Mrs. Horace Mann, G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York: 1883, pps. 59-65). Dorothy Nafus Morrison credited Princess Sarah's version in an essay for the Notes and Documents section of the Nevada Historical Society Quarterly XXII/4 (Winter 1979). In view of the various contemporary accounts available, the lapse of a quarter-century between "Charley"'s death and the publication of Princess Sarah's autobiography, and the problem of frequent factual errors in Life Among the Piutes, I did not find Sarah Winnemucca's account reliable, and was not persuaded by the arguments advanced by Dorothy Nafus Morrison in support of Princess Sarah's story. This story has white men killing McMarlin and Williams with guns, and then placing arrows in the dead men's wounds "to make it appear as if Indians had killed them." According to this account, Maj. Ormsby gave the Washoe Chief "Jam" ["Captain Jim"] just ten days to deliver up the murderers, whom the whites were convinced were Washoes, or there would be a war. The Washoe Chief denied that any of his band had done the deed; they were all at Pine Nut Valley. Maj. Ormsby was adamant, so six days later the Washoe Chief came into Genoa with three men, whom the whites promptly put in irons and locked up. The families of the men all said that the three Washoes were innocent. As the three prisoners were being taken away the next day, they tried to run away, and all three were killed. Princess Sarah said she later heard "Captain Jim" confess to her brother, Paiute Chief Natchez, "It is true what the women say, -- it is I who have killed them. Their blood is on my hands. I know their spirits will haunt me, and give me bad luck while I live." According to this version, Maj. Ormsby and others caught and hanged two white men that winter for the murders of McMarlin and Williams. If the last statement is correct, there is no mention of the fact in the contemporary issues of the Sacramento Union, the San Francisco Herald, the Alta California, or the Placerville Mountain Democrat. Asa Snow, William Coombs Edwards and "Lucky Bill" Thorington were hanged by vigilantes in the summer of 1858, but for other crimes. The extensive material available on their deaths omit any mention of McMarlin, Williams, or their murder, but there is a possibility that Thorington and others were involved in the murder of Larkin and the disappearance of Stewart. [54] Placerville Argus 1 Nov 1857, reprinted in Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:2. According to "Tennessee," "Charley" was being taken to the Genoa blacksmith shop to have irons made when he tried to escape. (San Francisco Herald 15 Nov 1857:2.) [55] Placerville Argus 1 Nov 1857, reprinted in Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:2; San Francisco Herald 15 Nov 1857:2. "Tennessee" wrote to the editors of the San Francisco Herald (3 Dec 1857:2), in a letter dated 20 Nov 1857, that "the Washoes, who now come into town every day, in large numbers, make Uncle Billy's quarters their rendezvous; and they seldom leave his cabin hungry." [56] Sacramento Union 2 Nov 1857:3. John Kirk, the superintendent of the U.S. Wagon Road expedition, told the editors of the San Francisco Herald that the Indian war scare in Carson Valley "is a humbug, without the slightest foundation in fact, and originated and kept up by interested parties." According to an article published in the Herald 1 Nov 1857:2, "The war-like attitude of the bold 'Uncle Billy Rogers' is represented by Mr. Kirk as entirely uncalled for, and highly censurable." This opinion was rebutted in the San Francisco Herald 3 Dec 1857:2 by "Tennessee," in a letter to the editors: Mr. Kirk staid here but a few days only, on his way back to California, and his opinion or statement concerning affairs here, is worthy of no credit whatsoever. Since writing the above, a meeting has been held at the store of Major Ormsby, at which, I believe, every citizen of this place was present, and many from the surrounding country. After Col. Rodgers briefly stated the circumstances of his going to California, to procure arms, ammunition and men, at the urgent request of the citizens, and also stated that the California papers had made some severe strictures upon his conduct, doubtless upon information derived from his personal enemies, a resolution was unanimously carried, heartily approving of Uncle Billy's course. In short, I know that no family in this place would feel secure if Uncle Billy's men were not here. [57] Sacramento Union 7 Dec 1857:3, reprinting Placerville Argus 6 Dec 1857. There is no mention in the contemporary newspapers of this having ever been done. [58] It is clear that Rogers had more than Indian-fighting on his mind when he recruited the force. He told the editors of the Sacramento Union that the arms he had secured from the State of California were for defensive purposes, and then went on to say: Col. Rodgers informs us that certain white men, who are supposed to be in league with the Indians in driving him from his mining grounds, have threatened to take his life; and some of the Washoes are sworn to have his scalp. Whatever representations might be made in regard to the expedition, it is due to him to state, that the people of the Valley circulated among themselves the petition for assistance, and applied to him to undertake the mission for the accomplishment of their wishes, without concert or solicitation on his part; and he is resolved, with the means now in his power, to protect not only them, but the remaining immigration yet coming in on the Carson Valley route. Numerous murders have been committed in that vicinity, but it is believed that with the force which will now be stationed there, ample protection will be afforded against further outrage, not only this fall, but also when the people of the Valley are hemmed in by the winter snows." (Sacramento Union 17 Oct 1857:2.) According to a telegraphic dispatch from Placerville published in the Sacramento Union 14 Nov 1857:2, "The army of occupation, Col. Rodgers commanding, had gone into winter quarters; his force is reduced by desertion and other causes to seven men, rank and file." This report is contradicted by "Tennessee" in a letter printed in the San Francisco Herald 3 Dec 1857:2. [59] San Francisco Herald 3 Dec 1857:2. [60] Placerville Argus, reprinted in San Francisco Herald 22 Nov 1857:2; 16 Dec 1857:2; Sacramento Union 14 Nov 1857:2; Placerville Argus reprinted in Sacramento Union 21 Nov 1857:2. [61] Placerville Argus, reprinted in Sacramento Union 21 Nov 1857:2. [62] San Francisco Herald 3 Dec 1857:2. [63] Placerville Argus, reprinted in San Francisco Herald 16 Dec 1857:2. T.J. Hall, a trader in Gold Cañon, told the editors of the Placerville Argus in early December that Col. Rogers' force was down to three men (San Francisco Herald 8 Dec 1857:3). [64] Sacramento Union 1 Aug 1856:2; 5 Aug 1856:2; 1 Sept 1856:3. [65] Quincy Old Mountaineer 31 Jul 1856, reprinted in Sacramento Union 5 Aug 1856:2. [66] Sacramento Union 1 Sept 1856:3. [67] Sacramento Union 12 Aug 1857:3. [68] Ibid. [69] Ibid. [70] Sacramento Union 15 Aug 1857:2. [71] Ibid. The station keeper mentioned here is probably identifiable as Samuel Blackford, a litigant in Carson Valley's first lawsuit and later owner of Return Jackson Redden's ranch in Jack's Valley. At the same time Cook and other emigrants were making these accusations against Blackford, that worthy gentleman was representing the Humboldt Sink at the Territorial Convention in Genoa. (Angel, History of Nevada, pps. 37, 43.) [72] Sacramento Union 26 Aug 1857:2; Placerville Mountain Democrat 5 Sept 1857:2. [73] Sacramento Union 1 Aug 1856:2. A.M. Fairfield, in his Pioneer History of Lassen County, California (H.S. Crocker Co., San Francisco: 1916, p. 94) recounts an incident which appears to be quite similar to the shooting of Barber in 1856; however, Fairfield places the time of the incident a year later: In the fall of 1857 a man named Barber who lived in Carson Valley and who had been mining on Gold Run started for home. One night he camped at the springs just over the divide between Honey Lake and Long valley. At that time the trail ran over the hill through a low pass to the west of where the road runs now [1916]. The next morning a gun was fired from a pile of rocks close by, and Barber was shot through the arm. The Indian caught up a gun and fired at some one he saw in the rocks, but with what effect was never known. Barber came back to the ranch of N. Clark and stayed there until he was able to resume his journey. For a long time after that the springs where he was shot were called Barber Springs. [74] Sacramento Union 23 Aug 1856:3. According to a story in the Placerville Mountain Democrat, reprinted in the San Francisco Herald 24 Aug 1856:2, the killing took place on the sixteenth of August. [75] Sacramento Union 23 Aug 1856:3; 16 Sept 1856:2. [76] Sacramento Union 23 Aug 1856:3. Notwithstanding the assurance of the editors of the Sacramento Union that Lindsay had been killed by Indians, others closer to the murder scene reached a different conclusion about Lindsay's death. The San Francisco Herald 24 Aug 1856:2 carried the following article on the affair: The Placerville Democrat says that on Saturday, the 16th instant, a party of immigrants ascending the first summit of the Sierra Nevadas, on the old Carson route, found the body of a man in the bushes by the roadside, who had evidently been murdered but a short time previously, as the body had not become decomposed. He had been shot through the breast while in the road and the body dragged to the spot where it was found, as the trail could be easily traced. The body was stripped naked. He had gold rings in his ears and a silver ring on the third finger of his left hand; was five feet and six inches in height; well proportioned, with black hair and eyes, and heavy black whiskers. None of the traders knew him, and who he was remains a mystery. He was supposed to be a person who had passed the trading post at Tragedy Springs, with four mules, three of them packed with goods, and who stated he was on his way to meet friends coming across the plains. No such person has been seen to pass through Hope or Carson Valley. It is supposed by the people of the Valley that there is a gang of desperadoes in the mountains who are preying upon them and the immigrants, as stock is frequently stolen from the ranches, and the hunters have found evidences of their having frequented the small valleys high up in the mountains. Those who found the body are convinced that the murderers were white men." [77] Placerville American 13 Sept 1856, reprinted in Sacramento Union 15 Sept 1856:3; San Francisco Herald 16 Sept 1856:2. [78] Jackson Sentinel 27 Sept 1856, reprinted in Sacramento Union 29 Sept 1856:3. [79] Ibid.; Sacramento Union 16 Sept 1856:2. L.S. Largent was the man who gave the editors of the Union information which cleared up the question of Lindsay's character but not the manner of his death. Largent's statement included an explanation for the interest of the legal authorities in Lindsay's activities: As to the statement of the Placerville American, that the Sheriff of Calaveras was, at the time of his death, in pursuit of Lindsay, is fully explained by Mr. Largent, upon information derived from Mr. Collins, of Indian Diggings, who is conversant with all the circumstances. It seems that Lucius Lindsay had a brother, named Stephen, living at, or who claims as his residence, Clay's Bar, in Calaveras county -- a desperate young man -- who sometime since rode into a Chinese store and nearly beat to death three or four Chinamen, with a chair, while he was mounted on his horse. For this offense he was compelled to fly, with the Sheriff of Calaveras in pursuit. It is said that, so desperate is the character of young Stephen Lindsay, the Sheriff and he met on opposite sides of the street, at Indian Diggings, and that, as things then stood, he did not venture to arrest him. [80] Sacramento Union 11 Sept 1857:2; see also Winnemucca, Sarah, Life Among the Piutes: Their Wrongs and Claims, ed. Mrs. Horace Mann, G.P. Putnam's Sons, New York: 1883, pps. 58-65. [81] Ibid.; Sacramento Union 7 Sept 1857:3; 10 Sept 1857:2; 11 Sept 1857:3; 14 Sept 1857:2; 28 Sept 1857:3; 5 Oct 1857:2&3; 8 Oct 1857:2; 17 Oct 1857:2; 31 Oct 1857:2; 2 Nov 1857:2. For an argument that white men actually were the killers of McMarlin and. Williams, see Dorothy Nafus Morrison's reasoning in support of Sarah Winnemucca's version in "It Happened in Genoa" (Notes and Documents), Nevada Historical Society Quarterly XXII/4, pps. 278-282. [82] Sacramento Union 5 Oct 1857:3; Testimony of A.B. Cherry in Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3; Angel, History of Nevada, p. 343. Stewart's name is also given as Steward. [83] Ibid. [84] Sacramento Union 5 Nov 1857:3; Angel, History of Nevada, p. 343. It is interesting in this context to note that Stewart had deposited about eight hundred dollars with a man named Wade, residing in Carson Valley, while Larkin is supposed to have had little money at all. Wade may be the same man as the station keeper by that name accused and tried for the murder of an Irishman in the summer of 1856. (San Francisco Herald 6 Oct 1856:2; Western Standard 11 Oct 1856:3; Sacramento Union 6 Oct 1856:2.) [85] Marysville Herald 6 Oct 1857, reprinted in Sacramento Union 7 Oct 1857:3. [86][86] Ibid. A story published in the Yreka Union, reprinted in the Sacramento Union 10 Oct 1857:2, gives the following details: Lowry and Beringer [sic] hired two horses at Forbestown, with the avowed intention of going to Oroville, brought them to this city and sold them to Mr. Butterfield and Maurice Baker. The party seems to have been joined here by Mr. Ingram [sic], who, it is thought, formerly resided on Indian Creek in this county. The sale was effected by Ingram and Lowry, and the bill of sale signed by Beringer. They were suspected here as the murderers of Rothenheim on Siskiyou Mountain, as soon as the news reached town, and the description of the men as given to our officers. The three men fled towards Honey Lake Valley, and on the way relieved D.H. Barbour of two horses, and also stole a saddle from an emigrant. According to the story in the Yreka Union, this activity was part of a pattern: The party; no doubt, belongs to a regular organized band of robbers that infest the State. Honey Lake Valley is undoubtedly the rendezvous of the most notorious horse thieves in the State, and the emigrants coming through that valley have frequently suffered the loss of stock, which have been driven off by these prowling thieves and charged upon the Indians. The emigrants have often searched for two or three days after missing stock, and given them up as being run off by Indians. Honey Lake Valley and other valleys in that vicinity are believed to be the pasture for a large amount of stolen stock, and many persons of a desperate character reside there. The three prisoners were taken to Shasta County, where Lowery and Benenger confessed their guilt, Ingraham was discharged after a preliminary examination. (Shasta Courier, reprinted in Sacramento Union 19 Oct 1857:3.) At the same time, Shasta County Sheriff's officers brought in another three suspected horse thieves in chains. Although two of these men escaped, they were later recaptured (Sacramento Union 12 Oct 1857:2). [87] Marysville Herald 6 Oct 1857, reprinted in Sacramento Union 7 Oct 1857:3. [88] Stockton Argus, reprinted in San Francisco Herald 9 Dec 1857:3; Sacramento Union 10 Dec 1857:3. [89] Ibid. [90] Ibid. [91] Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2; 25 Jun 1858:3; 2 Jul 1858:2; 23 Mar 1859:2; Angel, History of Nevada, p. 50; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 123. In less than a week, Snelling's friends had collected $1,200 for reward money. An article in the San Joaquin Republican described Edwards: He is a man five feet five or six inches high, light hair, light complexion, blue or gray eyes, and with a light beard or goatee on the chin; slightly stooping in his form, carrying the head more than ordinarily thrown forward; rather stout built, and weighs 140 or 150 pounds. When last seen he had on a buckskin hunting shirt. We are informed that the amount of the reward has been deposited in the County Treasurer's office of Merced county. (San Joaquin Republican, reprinted in Sacramento Union 10 Dec 1857:1.) For additional information on Snelling's murder and subsequent events connected with the case, see San Joaquin Republican, reprinted in Sacramento Union 11 Dec 1857:3; Sacramento Union 14 Dec 1857:2; 15 Dec 1857:2. [92] Angel, History of Nevada, p. 50; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 123. Henry DeGroot, in J. Wells Kelly's First Directory of Nevada Territory (1862), p. 22, states: "Among those who were in the habit of visiting Carson for the purpose of trading and speculating in stock, was one Edwards, who was intimate with Thorrington, often dealing with him and stopping at his house." [93] Van Sickle, Henry, "Utah Desperadoes", Nevada Historical Society Papers 1913-1916, State Printing Office, Carson City: 1917, p. 192. [94] Thorington purchased a ranch on Carson River 5 Oct 1853 from John Cary and Thomas Knott. (First Records of Carson Valley, Utah Ter 1851, reprinted in Nevada Historical Society Quarterly IX/2 (Summer-Fall 1966].) Thorington apparently sold this ranch "to the Mormons" in 1856 (Van Sickle, "Utah Desperadoes", Nevada Historical Society Papers 1913-1916, p. 191.). Thorington then jumped the claim of H.F. "Dutch Fred" Dangberg, who returned to his cabin to find "Lucky Bill" seated on the steps, armed and smiling. Dangberg's response to Thorington's question "What are you going to do now, Dutchman?" was to leave. Dangberg reacquired the ranch in 1902. (Dangberg, Grace, Carson Valley, Historical Sketches of Nevada's First Settlement, Carson Valley Historical Society, Genoa: 1972, p. 8; Georgetta, Clel, Golden Fleece in Nevada, Venture Publishing Co., Ltd., Reno: 1972, p. 287.) [95] Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 135. [96] Angel, History of Nevada, p. 5. Thorington lived in Carson Valley in 1851-1852, according to H.H. Bancroft and Frances Fuller Victor, History of Nevada 1540-1888 in History of the Pacific States of North America, vol. XX, The History Company, San Francisco: 1890, pps. 70-71n. "Lucky Bill"'s station was located 16 miles south of Genoa in 1852. (Bancroft, History of Nevada 1540-1888, p. 68n, citing to A.H. Hawley MS, "Lake Tahoe.") [97] Sacramento Union 1 Jul 1857:4. [98] Thorington was the successor to much of the property of the failed firm of Reese & Co. (Sacramento Union 24 Sept 1854:2; Angel, History of Nevada, pps. 49-50; First Records of Carson Valley, Utah Ter 1851 in Nevada Historical Society Quarterly IX/2-3.) [99] Sacramento Union 11 Nov 1854:2. [100] Angel, History of Nevada, p. 49. [101] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 131. [102] Ibid.; Angel, History of Nevada, p. 49. [103] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 131. [104] Sacramento Union 22 Jun 1858:2; Angel, History of Nevada, p. 49. He may also be the same fellow as the "Lucky Bill" (no last name given) who operated a "thimble-rig" game at Ragtown for the benefit of that year's emigration to California. [105] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 131. [106] Ibid. [107] Testimony of W. Jerome Thorington, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [108] Sacramento Union 26 Aug 1857:2. [109] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 138. [110] In 1855 Thorington and a number of other men petitioned the Utah Territorial Legislature to recognize them as elected officials of Carson County, as the result of an unofficial election held in Carson Valley. (Sacramento Union 7 Apr 1855:2.) For Thorington's interest in the territorial movement, see Sacramento Union 8 Aug 1857:2; 24 Aug 1857:1; Angel, History of Nevada, pps. 42-45. [111] Henry Van Sickle wrote "Many stories might be told of his good acts, that would put to blush those who make great professions of charity and love etc. but if a man gambled with him he was quite sure to lose his money." ("Utah Desperadoes", Nevada Historical Society Papers 1913-1916, p. 192.) Fairfield refers to "Lucky Bill" as "a 'sure thing' gambler." (Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 131.) For an imaginative treatment of this theme see Rollin N. Daggett's 1855 account in the Golden Era, entitled "Lucky Bill the Thimble-Rigger". Henry DeGroot, in J. Wells Kelly's First Directory of Nevada Territory (1862), pps. 21-22, describes Thorington this way: By sharp, and as many supposed not altogether legitimate practices, this man had accumulated a handsome property, being the owner of several fine tracts of land and a large number of cattle. He was suspected of having been engaged in a variety of unlawful acts, from which, having, as he boasted, always escaped scot-free, as well as from his general success in business, he came to be known by the soubriquet of " Lucky Bill." [112] Angel, History of Nevada, p. 50. [113] Ibid., p. 49. [114] Ibid., Henry Van Sickle described Thorington as "a fine looking man as one could find in a day's walk." ("Utah Desperadoes", Nevada Historical Society Papers 1913-1916, p. 192. [115] Angel, History of Nevada, p. 50. [116] Ibid., p. 49. [117] Ibid., p. 50; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 135. [118] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 123. In his testimony at the trial of Thorington, Olds and others, J.B. Gilpin said Edwards stayed at his house. (Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3.) [119] Sacramento Union 2 Jul 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 123. [120] Ibid. [121] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 123. [122] Testimony of W.T.C. Elliott, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [123] Ibid.; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 128. [124] Testimony of J.B. Gilpin, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [125] Ibid. [126] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott and. J.B. Gilpin. [127] Ibid., testimony of A.B. Cherry. [128] Ibid. [129] Ibid., Sacramento Union 5 Oct 1857:3, Angel, History of Nevada, p. 343; San Francisco Herald 4 Mar 1858:3; 7 Mar 1858:2. A story published by the Placerville Index and reprinted in the Herald of March fourth, has this account of the expedition's origins: Quite an excitement prevailed at Genoa, on account of a statement made by Winnemuck (sic), the Chief of the Piutes, who came to the settlement to inform the people that two white men are stopping with his tribe, who have been guilty of killing other white men. Winnemuck says that one of them answers the description of the man who so mysteriously disappeared from the East Fork of the Carson river, last fall, leaving his partner murdered in his cabin. The Indian describes the other chap as being a man small of stature, and crippled in one of his hands in such a manner that two of his fingers are bent flat into the palm of his hand. He acknowledges having killed a Chinaman in California." "Tennessee", the Herald's Carson Valley correspondent, quoted Chief Winnemucca as saying that the two white men arrived among the Indians "having been stripped of everything except their boots." (San Francisco Herald 14 Mar 1858:2.) [130] Testimony of A.B. Cherry, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3 San Francisco Herald correspondent "Tennessee" suggests that the party returned without success on March tenth, after an absence of eight days. If this information is correct the group left Carson Valley March second, 1858. (San Francisco Herald 14 Mar 1858:2.) [131] Testimony of A.B. Cherry, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [132] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County. California, p. 124. [133] Ibid. [134] Testimony of A.B. Cherry, Sacramento Union 25 Jim 1858:3. [135] Ibid. [136] Ibid., testimony of L.N. Breed; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 124. [137] Testimony of W.T.C. Elliott, William Edwards and J.B. Gilpin, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [138] Ibid., testimony of J.B. Gilpin. [139] Ibid. [140] Ibid. [141] Ibid. [142] Ibid., testimony of J.B. Gilpin and W.T.C. Elliott. [143] Testimony of J.B. Gilpin, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [144] Ibid. [145] Ibid. [146] Ibid. [147] Sacramento Union 2 Jul 1858:2. [148] Testimony of L.M. Breed, Sacramento Union 25 Jim 1858:3. [149] Ibid.; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 124. [150] Testimony of A.B. Cherry, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [151] Ibid. A.B. Cherry was killed in an 1860 affray in Western Utah. At the time of his death he was considered by some to have belonged to the "vigilante" faction in Carson Valley (Sacramento Union 5 Nov 1860:3; 8 Nov 1860:2; 12 Nov 1860:2; 23 Nov 1860:3; Placerville Mountain Democrat 10 Nov 1860:3.) [152] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County. California, p. 124. [153] Ibid., pps. 124-125. [154] Ibid., p. 125. [155] Ibid. [156] Ibid. [157] Ibid. [158] Ibid., p. 126. [159] Testimony of W. Jerome Thorington, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. Mullen was rumored to have gone to the mines at Fraser River, Canada, where he was killed. (Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 126.) [160] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 127. "Bald Hornet" was a winning favorite in the autumn, 1857 races held at Stockton. (Sacramento Union 12 Oct 1857:1.) Fairfield describes the horse as a bald faced chesnut sorrel weighing one thousand pounds. [161] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 127. An article published in the Butte Record 4 Jun 1858 and reprinted in Sacramento Union 7 Jun 1858:3 notes that Gordier's body had been sewn up in a sack, to which heavy rocks were attached as weights. [162] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 127. [163] Ibid., p. 128. [164] Ibid. [165] Ibid. [166] Ibid., p. 129; Sacramento Union 7 Jun 1858:3; 14 Jun 1858:4; 17 Jun 1858:2. [167] Sacramento Union 14 Jun 1858:4; 17 Jun 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 128. [168] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 128; recollection of William Hill Naileigh printed in Eliot Lord's Comstock Mining and Miners (Howell-North, Berkeley: 1959 reprint of 1883 edition, p. 41n.); Reno Evening Gazette 20 Jan 1886:3. [169] Testimony of William Edwards, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [170] Ibid., testimony of William Edwards, W.T.C. Elliott and J.B. Gilpin. [171] Ibid., testimony of J.B. Gilpin. [172] Ibid. [173] Ibid. [174] Ibid. [175] Ibid., testimony of William Edwards. [176] Ibid. [177] Ibid., testimony of J.B. Gilpin. [178] Ibid. [179] Ibid., testimony of William Edwards. [180] Sacramento Union 26 May 1856:3. [181] First Records of Carson Valley, Utah Ter 1851 in Nevada Historical Society Quarterly IX/2-3. [182] Testimony of W. Jerome Thorington, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [183] Sacramento Union 14 Aug 1855:2. [184] Ibid. [185] Ibid. [186] Ibid. [187] Ibid. [188] Testimony of Jerome Thorington, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [189] Ibid. [190] Ibid. Jerome Thorington was about seventeen years old in 1858, and could apparently take care of himself. In February of that year young Thorington nearly severed the hand of a man named Cisco in a cutting scrape at Genoa. (Sacramento Union 13 Feb 1858:2; 15 Feb 1858:4.) Jerome Thorington died in 1878 (Carson Appeal 19 Jun 1878:3.) Jerome was to tell Mullen to move Gordier's cattle out of Honey Lake Valley as quickly as he could, and get them into the hands of "Lucky Bill". (Testimony of William Edwards, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3; Sacramento Union 22 Jun 1858:2.) [191] Testimony of W. Jerome Thorington, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [192] Ibid. [193] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott. [194] Ibid. [195] Ibid., Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 135. [196] Testimony of W.T.C. Elliott, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [197] Ibid. [198] Ibid. [199] Ibid. [200] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott, Richard N. Allen and Peter Valley. Allen, Vallely and L. Bannen (or Banning) were the three witnesses at Thorington's house. [201] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott. [202] Ibid. [203] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott and Richard N. Allen. [204] Testimony of T.J. Atchison, Richard N. Allen and Peter Vallely, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. [205] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott. [206] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott and William Edwards. [207] Ibid. [208] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott. The Barber mentioned here is the same man as D.H. Barbour or Barber who was shot and wounded by an unknown assailant in 1856, supposed to be from the gang of horse thieves operating in the area. Both Elliott and Edwards agreed in their testimony that "Lucky Bill" Thorington suggested that Maj. Ormsby be murdered. According to the testimony of Jerome Thorington, "Lute" Olds had similar thoughts about Maj. Ormsby. Maj. William M. Ormsby was an early operator of stagecoach lines in California, and worked in the contracting business in Sacramento (Sacramento Transcript 18 May 1850:2; 21 May 1850:2; Sacramento Union 6 Jun 1851:2; 16 Jun 1851:2; 26 Jun 1851:2.) By 1855 Ormsby was moving livestock from California to the eastern States. (Sacramento Union 21 May 1855:2; San Francisco Herald 16 Aug 1855:1.) Maj. Ormsby operated a pack train operating between Placerville and Carson Valley in 1857, and moved to Genoa that year. (Sacramento Union 28 Apr 1857:2; 4 May 1857:2; San Francisco Herald 24 May 1857:2; 26 May 1857:3; 7 Aug 1857:2; 14 Aug 1857:3; 16 Aug 1857:2; 25 Aug 1857:2; Placerville Mountain Democrat 9 May 1857:2; 23 May 1857:2; 27 Jun 1857:3.) That same year Ormsby was the contractor for the grading of the Placerville-Carson Valley road at Slippery Ford hill. (Sacramento Union 9 Jul 1857:2.) By early 1858 Ormsby was operating a quartz reduction mill in Carson Valley. (Sacramento Union 13 Feb 1858:2.) Maj. Ormsby was active in Carson Valley politics, and like Thorington, interested himself principally in the territorial movement. (Sacramento Union 15 Jul 1857:1; 6 Aug 1857:3; 8 Aug 1857:2; 24 Aug 1857:1; 22 Sept 1857:2.) Ormsby's pack trains had some difficulty with "white Indians" and other robbers in 1857. (Sacramento Union 12 Aug 1857:3.) One of the founders and early promoters of Carson City, Maj. Ormsby was killed May fourteenth, 1860, in a battle with the Paiutes near Pyramid Lake. Rich. D. Sides had interests in the old Peltier ranch in Jack's Valley and in the Clear Creek ranch. (Angel, History of Nevada, pps. 37-38.) Sides was also elected Carson County Treasurer in 1856 (Ibid., p. 38.), and was a candidate for Carson County selectman in 1858 (Ibid., p. 49.). He was also active in the territorial movement. (Ibid., pps. 42-77 In January, 1862 Rich. Sides and Jacob Rose were cursed by LDS Church Bishop Orson Hyde, the former Carson County Probate Judge, for their acquisition of certain lands in Washoe Valley. (Ibid., pps. 40-41.) There are a number of entertaining anecdotes of Sides in Myra Sauer Ratay's Pioneers of the Ponderosa: How Washoe Valley Rescued the Comstock, Western Printing & Publishing Co., Sparks: 1973. [209] Testimony of W.T.C. Elliott and J.B. Gilpin, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3. From the description in the testimony the stream appears to have been Burke's Creek. [210] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott. [211] Ibid. [212] Ibid., testimony of W.T.C. Elliott and J.B. Gilpin; Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2. W.T.C. Elliott later got possession of "Bald Hornet" and sold the horse to Cap Hill of Honey Lake Valley, who kept it until the horse's death. (Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 143.) [213] Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 132. [214] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 132. [215] Ibid., pps. 132-133. Fairfield gives the names of the Honey Lake men as Fred Hines, U.J. Tutt, Mat Craft, William Dow, Henry Arnold, D.E. Munchie, Thad Norton, Richard Thompson, Antone Storff, Tom McMurtry, John C. Davis, John H. Neale, "Mormon Joe" Owens, John Mote, _____ Henderson, William N. Crawford, William H. Clark, A.G. "Joe" Eppstein, Frank Johnson, William Meyers, R.J. Scott, Cap Hill, R.W. Young, _____ Hughes, Alec Chapman, George Lathrop, Thomas J. Harvey, Thomas Watson, John Baxter, Mark W. Haviland, Capt. William Weatherlow and _____ McVeagh. Weatherlow and McVeagh became sick on the trip from Honey Lake to Carson Valley and did not participate in the activities there. [216] Ibid., p. 133. [217] Ibid., p. 134 [218] Ibid. [219] Ibid. [220] Ibid., p. 135; Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2. [221] Ibid.; Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2; Van Sickle, Henry, "Utah Desperadoes" in Nevada Historical Society Papers 1913-1916, p. 191. Angel gives the names of the following residents of Carson County as participants in the 1858 "people's court": Chauncey N. Noteware, John Cary, Walter Cosser, Samuel Swager, Theodore Winters, Dr. B.L. King, S.A. Nevers, Mark Stebbins, Samuel Tyler, J.J. Musser, F.M. Proctor, A.G. Hammack, J. Mott, George Hill, Thomas Boyd, John Adams, Peleg Brown, Thomas Yancey, James Gatewood, William Sturtevant, W.H. Boyd, Hiram Mott, Jacob Rose, John Cosser, William M. Ormsby, H.F. Pierce, John K. Trumbo and Emanuel Penrod. (History of Nevada, pps. 50-51, 532, 552-553.) [222] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, pps. 135-139. [223] Ibid., p. 135. The witness was William Dow of Honey Lake Valley. [224] Ibid. [225] Ibid. The witness here was R.W. Young, of Honey Lake Valley. [226] Ibid. Orrin Gray was another activist in the Sierra Nevada territorial movement. (Sacramento Union 8 Aug 1857:2; 24 Aug 1857:1.) [227] Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 136. [228] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 136. The Sacramento Bee 17 Jun 1858 carried an article, reprinted in the Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2 noting: "The inhabitants of the valleys breathe freer at present than they have done for two years, knowing that there was an organized band of robbers and murderers amongst them, and that as they have now got the leaders in their hands, it will be the means of breaking up the organization." John A. "Snowshoe" Thompson, the mountain expressman, also makes reference to "this gang of thieves and murderers" in an article published in the Sacramento Union 22 Jun 1858:2. Although not alleged in the trial of Thorington and his associates, there was considerable feeling that he and others constituted a ring of stock thieves and killers operating on both sides of the Sierra Nevada mountains. The apparent method of operations of this group was for criminals and ex-convicts, or Indians to steal horses, mules and cattle and then sell them at low prices to otherwise reputable citizens in Carson Valley and elsewhere. The reputable citizens were thought to have directed the thieving operations and provided the thieves, escaped criminals, etc. with shelter, as required. See, for example, the description given by Henry DeGroot in J. Wells Kelly's First Directory of Nevada Territory (1862), p. 21: For a long time Carson Valley had served as a refuge and hiding-place for certain disreputable parties engaged in running off strayed and stolen stock from California. Owing to its remote, and at that day all but inaccessible situation, it afforded a safe retreat to these depredators, the owners of the property scarcely ever making pursuit. After resting and feeding for a few days, this stock was driven thence to Salt Lake, generally by obscure routes, well known to the Mormons, who frequently took a hand in this business; or being herded for a time in some of the valleys about Carson, it was afterwards disposed of to the traders coming in, or driven into California at remote points and sold. This same class did not scruple in like manner to prey upon the overland immigration, picking up such cattle as had strayed from camp, or through weakness faltered behind, or, where opportunity offered, stealing them outright. These dishonest practices were not engaged in by the actual residents of the valley, who sought, as far as possible, to suppress and discourage them, being, as a general thing, an honest and honorable class of men, though not remarkable for industry and thrift. To this latter remark, however, there were exceptions, a considerable number of these people being hard-working, enterprising, and well to do in the world. For years these outrages had been going on with impunity, to the great scandal of the old settlers, when at length they culminated in one of unusual atrocity, and which, being attended by circumstances of both pillage and murder, aroused the entire community and brought down upon the perpetrators deserved and summary punishment. Angel, History of Nevada, p. 50 takes a charitable view of this in describing "Lucky Bill"s character: His associations in life, however, had been with individuals that had led him to look upon murder or theft as a smaller crime than would be the betrayal of a person who claimed his protection, though that man might be fleeing from justice after having committed either or both these offenses. This peculiarity of Lucky Bill, being known to all, both good and bad citizens, transformed him into an obstruction, sometimes to the execution of justice upon criminals, and this characteristic eventually proved his ruin. At the time of the trial of Thorington and his associates, there were allegations that Thorington planned to have Edwards assassinate Maj. Ormsby on the road to Placerville, on the morning of June fourteenth. (Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2; 18 Jun 1858:2.) According to D.H. Holdridge, there was also a plan for members of Thorington's group to ambush and kill Louis Holdridge on the latter's return over the mountains with the proceeds from the sale of his California ranch. Only a timely warning from Maj. Ormsby, says D.H. Holdridge, saved the life of his father. (Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County California, p. 136.) Another man who claimed to have narrowly escaped death was L. Bannen (sometimes spelled Banning). Bannen alleged that while he was staying at the Rogers & Thorington Hotel, D.E. Gilbert, John McBride and Hawes [A.P. Haws?] planned to rob and kill him on the twenty- ninth of September, 1857. (Testimony of Thomas J. Singleton, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3,) Hawes' [Haws] name was frequently mentioned as a prominent suspect in "white Indian" depredations on the overland emigrants traveling the Humboldt River route. [229] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 136. [230] Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, pps. 136-137. [231] Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 137. Luther "Lute" Olds kept a station on the Humboldt River (Sacramento Union 10 Sept 1857:3) and Ike Gandy had been a station-keeper for Olds since at least 1854. (Testimony of W. Jerome Thorington, Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3.) [232] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 137. [233] Ibid.; Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2. [234] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, pps. 137, 140. At the beginning of June, 1858, Rogers had left for the California coast on business. Despite his many interests in Carson and Hope Valleys and his long residence there, Rogers had relocated in Salt Lake City by the end of the year, and in January of 1859 he was running two hotels in that city. Another prominent resident of the Honey Lake Valley area, James P. Beckwourth (also spelled Beckwith), also relocated after this incident. [235] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 137. [236] Ibid., pps. 137-139. An article published in the Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2 supports the Fairfield version. Angel, History of Nevada, p. 50, gives a different account: Lucky Bill had a son named Jerome, a small lad, who knew the lurking place of the man they wanted. The boy was told that if he would secure the arrest of Edwards that his father would be turned loose, and that if he did not, his parent would certainly be hanged. To save his father the son betrayed the murderer into the hands of the citizens, and then found that instead of working his sire's deliverance, he was in danger of being hanged himself. It is interesting to note in this connection that, while Jerome Thorington was arrested by the vigilantes, there were no charges leveled against him at the trial and his only participation in the proceedings was as a witness rather than as defendant. (Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2; 18 Jun 1858:2; 22 Jun 1858:2; 25 Jun 1858:3; Van Sickle, "Utah Desperadoes" in Nevada Historical Society Papers 1913-1916, p. 191.) [237] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County California, pps. 137-139. An abbreviated account of Edwards' capture was published in the Sacramento Bee 17 Jun 1858, reprinted in Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2. Henry DeGroot, in J. Wells Kelly's First Directory of Nevada Territory, pps. 23-25, gives a similar description of Edwards' arrest: Meantime there was a strong desire on the part of certain citizens to secure Edwards, who, though no more guilty than his associate in this particular case, was known to be a bad and dangerous man. It was believed that Thorrington, as well as his son, a lad some sixteen years old, knew where he was concealed. They therefore worked upon the hopes and fears of the latter, hinting there might be a chance of his father being spared could Edwards be taken. The boy agreed to divulge his place of concealment on condition that his father should be saved. But knowing Edwards to be a powerful man, well-armed, and that if attacked he would make a desperate resistance, it was not deemed sufficient that the lad should point out his hiding-place, but he was also required to decoy him into the valley where be could be more easily overcome. Under the strong instinct of parental love, even this was consented to, though every one knew, and none better than the boy himself, that it was a most delicate and dangerous undertaking. Accordingly at night he proceeded alone to a secluded spot in the mountains west of Genoa, and there had an interview with Edwards, telling him that his father, whose arrest he concealed, desired to see him at a certain place, that they might concert measures for their safety. Edwards seems to have had an idea from the first that this was a device for ensnaring him, and refused to listen to the boy's story ; but his suspicions being partially allayed by the lad's persistence and earnestness, he finally consented to go, telling him that if he found himself betrayed, he would shoot him the first thing he did. With this understanding he left his covert, and the two proceeded to a lonely ranch owned by Thorrington, near the forks of Carson River. Here, concealed in the house, a party of men lay in wait for him. A little after midnight Edwards reached the place, and advanced cautiously up the lane, his double-barreled gun leveled before him, and his other arms in readiness ; on reaching the door, the place no doubt being familiar to him, he paused and listened, then carefully pushed it open and entered. The moment he passed the threshold, a powerful man standing behind the door with an uplifted club felled him to the floor, when others seized and secured him. [238] Sacramento Bee 17 Jun 1858, reprinted in Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2. [239] Letter from John A. "Snowshoe" Thompson, Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2. [240] Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2. [241] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County: California, p. 139. Angel, History of Nevada, p. 50, mentions only John L. Cary as judge. [242] Ibid. [243] Ibid. Noteware seems to have turned a copy of the proceedings over to the Placerville Register, which published the transcripts on 24 Jun 1858. The editors of the Sacramento Union reprinted the article, or portions of it, in their newspaper published 25 Jun 1858:3. Angel, History of Nevada, pps. 50-5, has the following remarks upon the trial: The evidence under oath was written down by C.N. Noteware, late Secretary of State for Nevada; and the writer of this has read it all. Not a thing appears there implicating Lucky Bill in anything except the attempt to secure the murderers escape. The absence of any knowledge on the part of the accused of the guilt of Edwards, is a noticeable feature in that testimony; that party, after having acknowledged his own guilt, swore positively that he had assured Lucky Bill that he was innocent, and no one else testified to the contrary, yet the jury believing that he did know, decided that he was guilty as accessory to the murder after the fact, and condemned him to be hanged. Angel's comments suggest a miscarriage of justice. For the benefit of the independent-minded reader, here is the account of the trial which was reprinted in the Sacramento Union 25 Jun 1858:3: THE PEOPLES' COURT IN CARSON VALLEY We extract from the Placerville Register, of June 24th, the following particulars of the evidence elicited at the trial of Wm. B. Thorington, Luther Olds, Cal. Austin, Ike Gandy, J.H. McBride and Orrin Gray, at Carson Valley, for the murder of Harry Godier [sic], at Honey Lake, The results of the examination and the action of the people have already been mentioned in our columns: L.M. Breed, sworn.--Reside Honey Lake Valley, about half a mile from McMurtry & Perrin's. Two or three weeks previous to the murder of Harry Godier, W.O. [sic] Thorington arrived in Honey Lake Valley. He called at the residence of McMurtry & Perrin, and wanted to procure an animal to go and see Harry Godier's cattle; he thought of buying them; he got an animal and went away; on his return he offered to pay for the use of the animal, remarking that he had no money when he procured it, but that he had seen Coombs since he had been gone, and obtained money, and now had plenty; McMurtry or Perrin asked him if he had bought Harry Godier's stock; he said no, but that he had made arrangements with Coombs to purchase them. Wm. Edwards, sworn--My name is Wm. Edwards; I reside in Honey Lake Valley I know all the prisoners at the bar by name; am acquainted personally with but three--Thorington, Olds and Austin; Thorington had no knowledge of the murder of Godier, that I know of; I had no conversation with Thorington concerning the murder, previous to the death of Godier; he made no arrangement with me in regard to purchasing Godier's stock when he visited Honey Lake; he told me his business was hunting horse thieves and murderers, and that he came to my house to borrow money on which to return to Carson Valley; I let him have ten or fifteen dollars when he left; I do not know that he was aware that Godier had been murdered when I left him Carson Valley and returned to Honey Lake Valley; if he was he must have been told by Mullins; when I came to the valley he knew that it was suspected that Godier had been murdered, as he was missing, and the body had not been found; the news of the suspicion of murder preceded me in the valley, and that I was the person suspected of having committed the murder; I refer now to my last visit to this valley; Thorington would not and did not let me stay around him; he told me that he had befriended me once, when in difficulty, but he wanted me to get out of the way, to go over the mountains, etc.; I have had, since my arrival in the valley, up to the time of my arrest, but very few interviews with him, as I needed but little assistance, having taken supplies sufficient, had I continued directly on, to cross the mountains; my next assistance was from another quarter; I had an interview with Thorington some six or eight days ago, when he paid me money. I did not meet him at Luther Olds' house, but inside Olds' yard; I put up at Olds' house one night as a traveler; I knew him but slightly; after I made myself known to Olds he gave me grub once or twice; I made myself known in the night time; I got grub from Olds' sufficient to last me several days; I did not receive it as an act of friendship, but intended to pay for it; none of the prisoners at the bar were engaged in the murder of Godier, or guilty of any other crime that I am aware of; Thorington did not go with me to Olds; I met him there; I have seen Thorington once since I saw him at Olds'; this time in company with Rough Elliot, at the ford of the Slough, near the corner of Mott's field; I cannot give the conversation had with Thorington and Elliot at this time, as a whole; there was something said of almost everything; Elliot wanted my horse, and wanted to get him without causing suspicion; many plans for doing this were suggested; Thorington suggested that Elliot, Gilpin, himself, and Jerome, his son, meet me by appointment in the wood, run me out of the country, and take the horse; the object in getting the horse was that they might sell him and pay me the money; Elliot was to take the horse to Honey Lake, and report that he had met me in the woods, that we had a very severe fight, that he finally succeeded in capturing the horse and in driving me out of the country, and claimed the horse as a lawful prize, thereby allaying suspicion and enable him to sell the horse with a good title; It was suggested that it would not do for Thorington or Jerome to be of the party who captured the horse, but that some third man should be taken, and one who was unfriendly to us, in order to give the matter a better color; and that this third person should not be in the secret; It was proposed that Barber be this third man; Thorington suggested Ormsby, the object in sending Ormsby was that he might get killed in taking the horse, and in trying to take me; Thorington sent Jerome, his son, to Marysville and the lower country for me, and on my business; I wanted him to go on account of my difficulty below; (I refer to the Snelling affair) and did not like to go myself; Jerome went to Merced to transact this business; he also went to Marysville, or near there, to the house of a man by the name of Britton, I think a half brother of Mullins; he went there to see Mullins concerning the murder of Godier; he went to Marysville before going to Merced; at the time Jerome was sent ,I denied to Thorington the murder of Godier; at this time the body of Godier had not been found, and no one knew for a certainty that he had been murdered; but there were rumors and suspicions to that effect; my object in sending Jerome to Marysville was to inform Mullins of the excitement existing in Honey Lake Valley, and for him to get stock out of the valley; I don't recollect whether the body of Godier was found before the return of Jerome, and when Thorington paid me the money, or not. B. Cherry sworn.--When a party of us went to Honey Lake, the party was composed of two parties combined; Thorington, James Menofee and Ab Smith were one party, Jack Howard and myself the other; we (Jack and myself) did not go with the expectation of finding Stewart, who was supposed by the others to be with the Indians, but to try and ascertain something of the whereabouts of Bill Edwards; we did not expect to go to Honey Lake when we started, and did not know where we would go; after leaving Carson Valley nothing was said about the stock of Godier until we had crossed Truckee river, when one day, I think we were encamped, at noon, Thorington remarked that he would like to go to Honey Lake and see the Frenchman's stock; we then went to the Indian camp where the men we were in pursuit of had lived through the Winter, and found that they had gone to Honey Lake; being at this time about out of provisions, we concluded to go direct to Honey Lake; we stopped at Crawford's ranch; during the entire route, up to the time we got to Crawford's, the name of Edwards had not been mentioned; here James Menofee mentioned his name and made inquiries concerning him; we (that is, Jack Howard and myself) heard nothing of Edwards on the entire trip; next morning, we went down to the Know Nothing Boys and there found and arrested Beasley; when we took Beasley, Thorington said, Boys, you take him back to Crawford's, and I will go up to Sol. Perrin's, hire a horse and go up on Susan river and get money to buy supplies to get back to Carson Valley," he did so, and got back to Crawford's about nine or ten o'clock at night; some one asked him "What luck?" he said, "Good," that he met up there a good man of his friends, that when he told them his name they were ready to give him any amount of money; that one man, he judged, had a roll of some $500, which he broke into and offered him one-half; that he refused it, only taking $15, which he needed; nothing more was said that night, only that the boys up there were a brave set of Texas boys, and in this connection spoke of Elliott, Coombs, Gilpin, etc. T. J. Atchison sworn. - At some time, don't know when, Thorington told me that Edwards had on a certain occasion deposited with him some $2,000 or $2,500; this conversation was had some three weeks since; I think he told me that Edwards had come for this money and that he had given it to him. Cross-examined.--Thorington said he did not know what amount of money Edwards left with him; but that Edwards told him that there was $2,500. Pros.--He said that Edwards had some difficulty over the mountains, and had deposited the money with him merely for safe keeping; he said he did not know what Edwards was going to do with the money. W. J. Thorington sworn.--I live in Carson Valley, have lived here four years on the 11th of next July; I am acquainted with Luther Olds; have been acquainted with him ever since I came here; first saw him and Little Ike on the Humboldt, when I came to the country; I am intimately acquainted with Luther Olds; I have found from reports of his character in California, as not being a very honest man; I never knew of his stealing anything, but he has kept men about his house who have; I know that Cal. Austin has been at Lute Olds', who, as everybody knows, was run off the East Fork for stealing horses in California; I never saw Austin steal anything, but Olds has informed me that Austin had stolen horses; he told me so some time since; he told me they had run Cal. and two others from the East Fork for stealing horses in California; I know that Cal. has seen Bill Edwards, and that he intended to go away with him from here; Cal. told me so himself; he told me that he was going with Bill Edwards if he went to Salt Lake, but that if Bill went to Valparaiso he had not money enough to go with him; I know that Lute Olds has fed Bill Edwards; he told me so; Lute Olds told me that Bill Edwards was there; that he had been run from there somewhere into the mountains; he told me that he was suspected of having harbored him here; I know Little Ike; I met him on the Humboldt with Lute Olds in 1854; he has bought and sold many horses; bought horses in Sacramento and sold them here; When I went to Marysville, I went to the house of one Britton, and told him my name and where I was from, that I was friend to Mullins, and had come there to see him; I told him that Mullins had done something in Honey Lake, and that they were after Edwards and Mullins for it; Britton told me that Mullins had said to him that he had shot a man in Honey Lake, hut had not killed him, and if anything turned up to write to him at Petaluma; he told me that I had better write to him there; I did so, and in my letter told Mullins to keep on the look out, as there was difficulty in Honey Lake; Father told me to go and see Mullins, who was stopping about seven miles from Marysville, and tell him that there was an excitement in Honey Lake about the killing of a Frenchman; I knew that Edwards came into the valley the night before I left; I had not seen him, but father had; on my introduction to Britton, he said he did not know my father nor me; I had no interview with Mullins; I went to the Merced to see some men who had Edwards' money, that he might go away; I got $350 and a mare; there were $600 more due him; I have heard Olds say that he wished Edwards might shoot some of the men who were running them, but not kill them. T. W. C. [sic] Elliot, sworn.--I reside in Honey Lake Valley; first became acquainted with Edwards about the 3rd of January, 1858; first was Wm. Thorington and had an introduction to him about the 1st of March, 1858, in Honey Lake Valley; previous to my acquaintance with Thorington, Edwards had told me that his name was Edwards, not Coombs, the name he then bore; after my introduction to Thorington in Honey Lake, Edwards told me that Thorington came to Honey Lake on his (Edwards') business; it was concerning the killing of Snelling; he told me that Thorington told him that the people of Carson Valley suspected that Edwards was in Honey Lake Valley, and that he must keep a look out; Edwards told me that Thorington was going in with him to buy Harry Godier's cattle; all this was told me in Honey Lake Valley; I came to Carson Valley about the middle of May last, when all of this party appeared to be afraid of me; (I mean by this part the prisoners at the bar, as well as others, not now in custody); they all appeared to think I had come down to arrest Thorington; the third night after my arrival in Carson Valley; McBride, one of the prisoners at the bar, came to me and said he wished to talk with me; we had an interview, when McBride told me that Thorington was afraid I had come to arrest him, and he was keeping out of my way; I told McBride that I had not come to arrest Thorington; that I had business with Thorington, but of a different nature; McBride told me that if my business was to arrest Thorington, he was willing to give himself up to any civil authority, as he did not believe that they could prove enough against him to convict him of anything criminal in any Court of Justice; that Thorington was willing to be tried by the citizens of Carson Valley, but would not go to Honey Lake Valley; I then tried by every endeavor to convince McBride that my intentions towards Thorington were of the most friendly nature, and by this means obtained an interview with him; on the evening of the night appointed for this interview between myself and Thorington, I saw McBride take several gentlemen out and talk with them; shortly afterwards he came to me and said Thorington wished to see me; I asked him where he was; he said, come with me and I will take you to him; we went out and passed behind the hotel and several other buildings in Genoa to the house of Thorington; we went in, and found there Mrs. Thorington, Thorington, Allen, Peter Vallely and L. Bannen; John Trumbo came to the gate while Thorington and I were have a private interview; some others came up, but I don't remember who; in private conversation as this time, I said to Thorington that l was friendly to him and to Edwards; I showed them a letter of Gilpin's concerning Harry Godier's cattle, and containing assurances of my friendship towards Edwards; the letter was written by Gilpin, and addressed to Thorington; Thorington told me he did not believe that Edwards was guilty of the murder of Godier; he appeared at the time have but little confidence in me; we all sent back some distance on the way from which Edwards came, and sat down and had a long conversation; Thorington, Edwards and I were the only ones present; our conversation was principally in regard to the affairs of Edwards, relative to the Honey Lake murder, and arrangements about his business so as to enable him to get away from this place; one arrangement was, for him to get his horse into my possession, so that I might sell him and give him the money; it was not considered safe for him to keep the horse, as he was too well known, and it would not do for any of his friends to have the horse, as it would cause suspicion to rest on them, but that I, from my reputation, could accomplish a sale of the horse when once in my possession; our plan for getting the horse without causing suspicion, was for Gilpin and myself to take some third man with us, and apparently go into the mountains near Lake Valley, where Edwards was to be, and, selecting the third man, although suggesting many myself, I intended in the end that the third man whoever he should be, should be the choice of Thorington and Edwards; Thorington first selected Jerome, his son, but upon reflection it was not considered desirable for Jerome to go along, as it might lead to suspicion on all of us, and the sincerity of our intentions be questioned; Thorington then suggested that Barber be this third person, as it was well known that he was an enemy of his, and this would give a good color to the transaction, and free him, Thorington, from all suspicion in the transaction; we were to go out to a small creek running into Lake Valley, supposed to be eight or nine miles from Genoa; we were there to find a sign left by Edwards, where he had turned immediately off the road before crossing the creek, and had taken such ground up the creek that we might easily trace him, and get into some place where he could tie his horse in, or close to the willows on the creek, and he have a position on the hill above, so that he could see us as we approached; we were to discover the horse and run up and take possession of him; Edwards was to make his appearance on the hill above; we were to pursue him; Gilpin and I were to fire at him, or to lead Barber to think we fired at him, and he was to be in a place where it would be impossible for Barber to take him; in case Barber should press upon him too closely, Edwards was to shoot him, and if he failed to shoot him, Gilpin and I were to see that Barber did not hurt him; when talking over this arrangement, Thorington suggested that if any man was to be killed in taking the horse, that among several men in the Valley here, say three, he would rather it would be Maj. Ormsby or Rich. Sides, no matter which; he then suggested that Maj. Ormsby go along anyway; that he would give money to have him killed, anyhow; Edwards then said, send him out if he wanted him killed, and he would kill him, sure; I then suggested that it would not do to create any more difficulty at present; Thorington appeared to concur with me; we finally concluded that Barber should be the man to go along, and that no killing should be done unless in case of emergency; for instance, if Barber should get too close to Edwards; Gilpin and I finally started along last Sunday morning, for the horse; when we started, Thorington told me that he had made a race on a horse of mine, and wanted to run him; but when ready to start, the horse that Thorington had intended Gilpin should ride could not be found, so we were obliged to go with my horse and Thorington's sorrel mare; we went to the creek designated, and found the signal; we then turned off the road up the creek, to where it made a cañon, and discovered the horse tied near the creek, close to the willows; we rode on towards the horse, and, when near him, Edwards fired his gun from the hill above, say one hundred and fifty to two hundred yards distant, and seeing no third man with us, got what things he had on the hill, and came down to us; we entered into conversation; Gilpin and myself made up our minds to arrest Edwards at that time or take his life; however while conversing, Jerome Thorington rode up on the horse first intended by Thorington for Gilpin to ride, in place of my horse upon which he had made a race; the first we saw of Jerome he jocosely hailed us; when he came up, we had a long conversation, and eat some of Edward's provision; I saw plainly that there was now but little or no chance to arrest Edwards, unless all other parties anyway concerned in this affair would get the information and suspect Gilpin and myself as have done something wrong with Jerome, Edwards and Thorington; here followed an explanation; no arrest was made, for fear of not catching other parties; we made an appointment at that time that Edwards should come down to the side of the mountain above Genoa, at times agreed upon, to receive grub, or any information concerning his affairs, at the hands of Thorington or his son Jerome; he was to be down the same night (Sunday); the night following Jerome, Gilpin, or myself were to see Edwards before starting for Honey Lake Valley; when I got into the Valley with the horse, I was to talk with the good men in the valley, of Thorington having done everything in his power to secure the arrest of Edwards, make mention that Thorington himself had offered $250 for his arrest, and to impress the community with the belief that Thorington would do as much or more to arrest Edwards than any other person; in conversation with Edwards, Jerome and Gilpin, Edwards and Jerome spoke of this affair up at Olds' about Edwards being run from there, about his being at Olds', about Olds feeding him; about Cal. Austin going away with Edwards when he went away; Ike was also spoken of, but I don't recollect what was said of. Ike; when we started down with the horse, Gilpin and myself rode around as if we had had a race for Edwards; Edwards got on his horse and rode back with us some distance; we thought it advisable to sent Gilpin ahead to reconnoiter the road, and if he met any one to fire off his pistol as a signal for Edwards to take to the woods; consequently, Gilpin went ahead, it being understood that Edwards was to accompany us pretty well down the mountain, and then wait and come down in the night; after riding ahead for some time, Gilpin got uneasy for fear of something happening to me, and fired off his pistol; upon Jerome and myself riding up, he reported that he saw a man ride across the road; we three then came down from the top of the mountain; Gilpin and I were to stop behind and let Jerome come on with the horse of mine, which he had come after, and report that he had overtaken us at the creek; that he had got the horse; that Gilpin and I had struck horse tracks, supposed to be Edwards'; that he had come back with my horse, and that Gilpin and I had gone in pursuit of Edwards; we did not get down until sometime after Jerome, and when we got into the valley and town, we reported that we had not gone far after Jerome left us before we came upon the horse; that Edwards was on the hill; that we fired six shots at him, and he two at us; that Edwards had made his escape, but that we had got the Bald Hornet horse; after we got back with the horse, Thorington and I had our usual conversations about matters; he thought it advisable for me to keep a strict guard over the horse, so that the people would think it all on the square; consequently, Gilpin and I took a bed and went down and guarded our horses on the grass. J. M. [sic] Gilpin sworn.--I reside in Honey Lake Valley; I made the acquaintance of Edwards at Honey Lake last Winter; he lived at my house during the Winter; about the first of March, or one month after our return from Carson Valley, on a visit to Thorington, he (Thorington) came to my house in Honey Lake; when he came many of the citizens of the Valley were at my house; after being there a short time, he took Edwards out to a large pine tree and talked with him privately; they conversed for some time, when Edwards called me, saying that Thorington had received a letter from Snellingville; I saw a portion of the letter at that time or soon after; I saw enough to know the tenor of the letter, and that was concerning the Snelling affair; Thorington stayed an hour or an hour and a half at my house; I used every endeavor to prevail upon him to remain over night, and down and see Godier's cattle; I was the first man to propose to Thorington to go in with Edwards and purchase Godier's stock and ranch; and they spoke to me when down here as though they would buy them when Edwards would have seen them; when Thorington left our cabin, Edwards went with him, I should judge one and a half miles, as far as you could see from the cabin, then over the hill; Edwards returned in about one hour from the time I last saw him; shortly afterwards, say one month, Edwards went down to Mullins'; I next saw Edwards after his return from Carson Valley, where he said he had been for his money with which he intended to buy Godier's stock; I next saw Thorington about two weeks since; I tried to gain his confidence through pretense of having stolen a horse from Honey Lake Valley; I claimed his protection; in this I failed in a great measure; I had hurt my mare, or the one I was riding, and Thorington offered me fifty dollars to pay the damages and settle the difficulty and to return the mare to Mr. Johnson, to whom she belongs; Thorington would never tell me where Edwards was, but said he was over the mountain; I first heard of Edwards by Thorington's hired man, alias the Fighting Butcher; he told me that he had been up to the flouring mill, on Thursday last; that he came home and told Thorington that he learned at the mill that a man had been scared up in the canon back of Lute Olds'; he said when he told him this, he saw Thorington's countenance change immediately; that Thorington that evening got on his horse and left, as he supposed, for Lute Olds' and did not return until morning, or near morning; I afterwards, in company with Mr. Elliott, saw Edwards myself, when he asked me if I remembered a certain slough between Richard Aides' ranch and that of Thorington's; telling me that in that slough he remained twenty-two days, and was fed by Thorington, while Jerome went below, and that during this time, Thorington came down and claimed a portion of his bed, as it was likely he would be a partner of his; this occurred when Elliott first came into this valley; on my first interview with Edwards, after we had obtained the Bald Hornet, it was agreed upon between Thorington and myself, that I should sell him my half of the horse, as I was not a gambler; provided I could not get a larger price in Honey Lake; this was for the benefit of Edwards. T. J. Singleton sworn.--I reside at Genoa, Carson Valley; about the 29th of September last, I went to bed as usual; after falling asleep I was awakened by some one knocking at the door; on opening the door, I found it to be L. Bannen, who wished to come in; upon my asking him-what was up, that he should call at this time of night, he replied, let him in, and he would tell me; I let him in, when he asked if any one was in the house; I told him that the butcher boys were in bed; in the morning, after the butcher boys left, I asked him the cause of his alarm the night before; he said that he had got together what money he had and that he believed there was a plan on foot to rob and murder him at Gilbert's; the balance of his statement was descriptive of the play at Gilbert's and losing the watch, etc.; he told me that the plan to injure him was laid, he suspected, by D. Gilbert, McBride and Hawes; he said it might be conjecture him, but he had been in the habit through life of watching men, and if they made a false step he was apt to detect it; and that three moves had been made that night which aroused his suspicion--one, the losing of the watch, which was to be the means of getting him out of doors; another, McBride did not, as was his custom, lock the door upon going to bed; the other movement I don't remember. Richard N. Allen, sworn.--Was present at the house of Thorington, in Genoa, when Elliot had an interview with Thorington; Thorington stated on that occasion that Edwards had left with him say $2,500, $2,800, or $3,000; I think he said he did not know the amount; that he did not count it; but that he saw Edwards take from among the large coin some $500, and that he then put the balance back into the sack, and said there was $2,500; that he gave me no receipt for the money, etc; the object Thorington had in seeing Elliot was to ascertain what he wanted; it seems that Elliot had a letter for Thorington, but Thorington was distrustful to him, and invited me to go along; they met in a friendly manner; Elliot stated that he was a friend to Edwards, and stated that Edwards had, upon a certain occasion, saved his life; Thorington has told me on many occasions that he was willing to go before a legal tribunal and be tried; I have heard from Thorington and Peter Vallely that the people of Honey Lake Valley had collected, and were in this vicinity for the purpose of arresting Thorington and taking him to Honey Lake Valley, and hanging him without judge or jury, and I believed it at the time. P. Vallely sworn.--I got the report of the rising of the citizens of Honey Lake from Thorington himself; he did not say from whom he got his information; on the interview with Elliot at Thorington's house. Thorington said that Edwards came to him and said that he had more money than he wanted to carry; that he saw him pick out from among large coin $500, whereupon he put the rest in the sack, and handed it to him, saying that there was $2,500; I heard Thorington say that he did not count the money, and he gave no receipt for it. [244] Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County., California, pps. 139-140. [245] Sacramento Union 18 Jun 1852:2. [246] Ibid. [247] Ibid., Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, pps. 139-140. [248] Sacramento Union 22 Jun 1858:2. Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 140, gives several variations on the amount of fines assessed against Olds and Austin. [249] Placerville Mountain Democrat 3 Jul 1858:3. "Quis", a Carson Valley correspondent of the Mountain Democrat (3 Jul 1858:3) had the following to say about the sentence of Olds: . . . the verdict of the jury was that Olds should leave the Valley in 48 hours, pay fine, &c., but the Court gave him (Olds) leniency, and let him have 20 or 21 days to 'wind up' his business and leave the Valley, and that he was thus set at liberty, G.N. Douglass being his bondsman. I understand -- I have not seen it -- that Mr. Olds has a petition in circulation in the Valley to get signers thereto, to the effect that he be entirely released from all blame, and that he be permitted to remain in the Valley. Now, I would merely say to Mr. Olds that this move of his is doing him more injury than good; that this Valley he must quit forever, and that, too, in a few hours after the time allotted to him expires, I also would say to him that he should remember that there was only one man of the eighteen jurors, who prevented him from receiving that punishment which was meted to Lucky Bill. Olds should be very careful of how he acts and of what he says. [250] Sacramento Union 22 Jun 1858:2. [251] Ibid. [252] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 140. [253] Ibid. [254] Ibid., p. 141; Sacramento Union 17 Jun 1858:2; 22 Jun 1858:2. [255] Placerville Mountain Democrat 26 Jun 1857:3. A letter from "Quis" published in this issue of the Mountain Democrat states that Thorington was hanged between three and four o'clock in the afternoon, which accords with the accounts collected in Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 141. An article published in the Sacramento Union 22 Jun 1858:2 states that Thorington was hanged in the morning. [256] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 141. [257] Ibid., p. 142. William Dow witnessed this conversation. [258] Ibid. Maria Thorington went insane sometime after "Lucky Bill"'s death, and was confined in the California State Insane Asylum at Stockton for a number of years. The Carson Daily Index 19 Jul 1882 has an article noting her recovery. [259] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 141. [260] Lord, Comstock Mining and Miners, p. 41. [261] Placerville Mountain Democrat 3 Jul 1858:3; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 141. [262] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p 141; Lord, Comstock Mining and Miners, p. 41. [263] Sacramento Union 22 Jun 1858:2; Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 141. [264] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 141. Angel, History of Nevada, p. 51, describes "Lucky Bill" as slowly choking to death, "with body swinging back and forth and twisting round and round." Thirty years later, the editors of the Reno Evening Gazette (14 Mar 1889:3) published a story which claimed that Thorington was still alive and playing "thimble rig" in Colorado. This is how the tale went: Among the number present at the hanging was one Dr. King, whose professional eye was taken by the magnificent physique of the now 'Unlucky Bill'. He asked the privilege of offering poor Bill's body as a sacrifice on the altar of science -- the dissecting table -- and the request was granted. King, who, by the way, was a genius in his way, and typical of a large number of pioneers of the Far West, brought his skill to bear on what remained of Bill Thorrington [sic], and by means of a strong electric battery and proper restoratives, resuscitated what was supposed to be the mortal remains of poor Bill. The skill of the physician was rewarded beyond his most sanguine hopes. Bill stood once more erect and in the Godly attitude of a man. A coffin was partially filled with rocks and buried on the brow of the hill, just south of the Averill ranch, on the Genoa road, beside the hapless Edwards [in this version "Lucky Bill" and Edwards were executed and then buried together.] For a third of a century the little mound raised above that simulated 'home of the dead' has served as a reminder to many of Bill's class, that 'the way of the transgressor is hard.' The worst, though as well as best, men in this world are sometimes deceived by appearances. Time and good care on the part of Dr. King soon put 'Lucky Bill' on his pins and he lit out for pastures new and greener fields. Hank Lufkin, and old-time Genoaite and a man familiar with the story of Thorrington's hanging, and who knew Thorrington well, was here the other day and conveyed to Louis Dean the startling intelligence that 'Lucky Bill' was alive and was in a town in Colorado; that he had seen him and talked with him not long ago. The story impressed Dean so forciably [sic] that he recently imparted the information to a Gazette reporter who was determined to investigate the matter, and accordingly, in company with a number of well-known gentlemen interested in this strange story, repaired to the spot where the bodies were buried, and dug up the remains of not 'Lucky Bill', but the rotten, mouldy boards containing the rocks that for so many years have represented the body of Wm. Thorrington. It may not be out of place to refer to some of the actors in this tragedy. 'Rough' Elliott is under sentence of death in Inyo county, Cal., for the murder of one White; Jim Gatewood died in San Francisco a few months ago, a mental wreck; George Happerly [sic] died a few years ago little less than a broken down old man; Jerome Thorrington, the boy spoken of in the narrative, passed over the ridge several years ago, a physical wreck; the wife of 'Lucky Bill' is in the Nevada Insane Asylum, an old, decrepid [sic] woman, just tottering on the brink of the grave; while Bill himself is playing the thimble and strap game, as of old, in Colorado. Of the many others who took an active part in the proceedings had in Judge Lynch's court, in the case against Edwards and Thorrington, many have gone over to the great majority 'by the various means by which death may be effected.' Others remain, living out their allotted time, some smiled upon, but the larger number meeting the frowns of the 'fickle dame.' Let those who may philosophize, our duty is simply to chronicle the facts. Now, when a knot of old-timers get together over their cups, at the cross-roads, or on the street corners, it is with a whisper and bated breath that they recite what they know of the hanging of Edwards and 'Lucky Bill.'" For more on this see the Reno Evening Gazette 30 Mar 1889 and the Carson Appeal 5 Apr 1889. In an 1889 interview W.T.C. "Rough" Elliott said he was sure Thorington was dead and buried. [265] Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, pps. 124-125, 142. [266] Ibid. [267] Ibid. [268] Sacramento Union 2 Jul 1858:2. The story which appeared in the Union notes that Edwards' confession was attested to by five citizens of Carson Valley. "Quis", the Carson Valley correspondent of the Placerville Mountain Democrat, 3 Jul 1858:3 stated that Samuel Swager returned from Honey Lake Valley on the twenty-ninth of June, 1858, with a copy of Edwards' confession; According to Swager, Edwards was hanged between six and seven o'clock in the afternoon on June twenty-third. "Quis" included a copy of Edwards' confession, which differs slightly in wording from that published in the Sacramento Union. "Quis" wrote: The last few moments Edwards had to live, he devoted himself to prayer, asking his God to forgive him his many sins. It is to be hoped that his prayers were heard, and that now his soul rests in Heaven. His fate! how terrible to his accomplices in crime! -- not only to his accomplices, but to all of his -- yes, sympathizers! There is a similar report in the San Francisco Herald 11 Jul 1858:3. Angel, History of Nevada, p. 51, remarks that Theodore Winters, Walter Cosser and Samuel Swager were appointed a committee to go with the men to Honey Lake and see that Edwards was hanged. Notwithstanding the story published in the Sacramento Union 2 Jul 1858:2, the certification to the confession was made by five citizens of Honey Lake Valley -- Chas. C. Walden, L.N. Breed, O. Streshley, G.N. Spaulding and Jno. H. Neale. (Placerville Mountain Democrat 3 Jul 1858:3.) Fairfield, who interviewed a number of participants in the affair, says that the men from Carson Valley did not accompany the Honey Lakers and did not witness Edwards' hanging. (Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 142.) Henry Van Sickle was quite skeptical that Edwards was ever hanged at all. Van Sickle ("Utah Desperadoes" in Nevada Historical Society Papers 1913-1916, pps. 191-192) says that Walter Cosser told him that: . . . all who went from this valley were barred from any participation in the alleged hanging of the aforesaid Bill Edwards, and that he did not believe the said (E) was ever hung by said mob, and for the following reasons: The said Edwards had a cache of money on the California side of the Mountains and for the revealment of the same in his opinion was turned loose by said Mob he alleges that when the party having Edwards in charge arrived at Honey Lake instead of hanging him in public as usual at that time and as was done in the case of Lucky Bill his alleged partner in the murder some time prior and immediately after the trial, all who went from Carson Valley were excluded from the Alleged hanging, and the parties who went out with Edwards for the alleged purpose of hanging him took a box or coffin with them and when they returned, made a statement of his death & burial but failed to ever exhibit the body, and as this was an unusual way of doing that kind of business at that time, the opinion prevailed among very many of the best people that Edwards was never hung but was allowed to buy his life with the coin that was cached on the other side of the mountains, it has been alleged that the man Bill Edwards was alive and has been heard from in Mexico be this as it may, the whole affair has a suspicious odor, when we consider the haste with which Lucky Bill was hung against whom there was no positive evidence, and the great care that was taken in not hanging Bill Edwards on the spot, a man against whom the evidence was positive he being taken 150 miles from the spot on which Lucky Bill was hung, it should be remembered that Lucky Bill had no money while Bill Edwards was supposed to have money cached as before stated. According to Fairfield's Pioneer History of Lassen County, California, p. 143, W.T.C. "Rough" Elliott received the money found on Edwards, as well as "Bald Hornet", for his part in the affair. Elliott may have collected the reward offered for Edwards in Merced County as well. [269] Placerville Mountain Democrat 3 Jul 1858:3. [270] Ibid. [271] Ibid. [272] Sacramento Union 7 Jul 1858:2; San Francisco Herald 7 Jul 1858:3. [273] Sacramento Union 16 Jul 1858:2. [274] Placerville Register, reprinted in San Francisco Herald 25 Jul 1858:3; Sacramento Union 26 Jul 1858:3. [275] Placerville Register, reprinted in Sacramento Union 2 Aug 1858:4. In a letter dated 29 Jul 1858 "Tennessee" remarked that the two fines, amounting to $872.28 and $226.22 had been paid, and the sentence of banishment against Olds had been carried out. (San Francisco Herald 10 Aug 1858:3.) [276] Placerville Mountain Democrat, 21 Aug 1858:2. [277] Carson Daily Index 20 Mar 1881:3. Mankin was an interesting character, as the recollection published in the Index notes: Mankin was a rough, passionate, illiterate fellow; given to quarreling with his neighbors. He was a splendid marksman with his rifle, which was his constant companion, and in his hands a dangerous weapon. His unpopularity caused some of the 'boys' to plan a scare for him one night. Among the party were Jim Menifee [sic] and Charles Wolfe. They might as well, as they discovered to their own fright, have attempted to catch a weasel asleep. They disappeared behind a log-fenced corral not an instant too soon to escape a bullet. Mankin was a broad-shouldered man of fifty-four years, so active, that in sport he would run a race with any one in the country, and there were some extraordinarily active men here in those days. The distance of fifty yards would be measured, and Nankin would lie flat upon his face, and at the word would rise and distance all his competitors. Mankin, according to Angel, History of Nevada, p. 532, was an inveterate killer of Indians. Chapter I: The Settlers' Government; Chapter II: Carson County, Utah Territory; Chapter III: The Nataqua and Sierra Nevada Territorial Movements; Chapter IV: The Carson Valley People's Court; Chapter V: Rival Governments; Chapter VI: Nevada Territorial Movement and Provisional Government; Chapter VII: Mining District Governments
|
|||||